Experiencer Constructions In Wolof Contents

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J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 1 EXPERIENCER CONSTRUCTIONS IN WOLOF CONTENTS 1.1 THE EXPERIENCER.................................................................................. 3 1.2 THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ........................................................ 7 1.2.1 DEFINITIONS ..................................................................................... 8 1.2.2 EXPERIENTIAL DOMAINS............................................................. 8 1.2.3 THE MODEL ....................................................................................... 9 1.3 STRUCTURE OF THE ANALYSIS........................................................... 10 3 THE CODIFICATION OF EMOTION IN WOLOF................................ 12 3.1 CONGRUENT RENDERING VS. METAPHORICAL BODY PART EXPRESSION .................................................................................................. 14 3.2 PHENOMENON-ORIENTED EMOTIONAL EXPRESSIONS................. 19 3.2.1 THE CAUSATIVE SUFFIX –AL ..................................................... 20 3.2.2 THE CAUSATIVE SUFFIX –LOO .................................................. 21 3.2.3 BASIC EXPERIENCER-OBJECT- VERBS..................................... 26 3.3 EXPERIENCER-ORIENTED CONSTRUCTIONS EXPRESSING THE PHENOMENON .............................................................................................. 27 3.4 THE EMOTIONAL CATEGORIES LOVE, HATE, AND PITY ................ 29 3.5 FURTHER METAPHORICAL RENDERINGS OF EMOTIONAL SITUATIONS.................................................................................................... 33 3.5.1 EXPERITUM-ORIENTED METAPHORICAL RENDERINGS..... 33 3.5.2 POSSESSIVE COPULA CONSTRUCTIONS.................................. 36 3.5.3 IDEOPHONIC EXPRESSIONS ........................................................ 39 4 NON-EMOTIONAL MENTAL EXPERIENCES IN WOLOF ...................... 39 4.1 CONGRUENT EXPRESSIONS OF NON-EMOTIONAL MENTAL EXPERIENCE.................................................................................................. 40 4.2 METAPHORICAL EXPRESSIONS OF NON-EMOTIONAL MENTAL EXPERIENCES................................................................................................ 45 HAAP2 (2003) 2 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 4.2.1 BODY PART ORIENTED FIGURATIVE EXPRESSIONS............ 46 4.2.2 PHENOMENON-ORIENTED METAPHORICAL EXPRESSIONS ...................................................................................................................... 47 4.2.3 EXPERIENCER-ORIENTED METAPHORICAL EXPRESSIONS48 4.2.3.1 Experiencer-participant‘s active engagement is highlighted .......................... 48 4.2.3.2 Possessive copula constructions...................................................................... 49 4.2.3.3 Onomatopoetic expressions............................................................................. 50 5 INNER PHYSICAL EXPERIENCE ........................................................... 50 5.1 CONGRUENT RENDERINGS OF INNER PHYSICAL EXPERIENCE .. 50 5.2 EXPERITUM-ORIENTED RENDERINGS OF INNER PHYSICAL EXPERIENCE.................................................................................................. 53 5.3 EXPERIENCER-ORIENTED METAPHORICAL EXPRESSIONS .......... 54 5.2.1 SPECIFIYING EXPRESSIONS ........................................................ 54 5.2.2 POSSESSIVE COPULA CONSTRUCTIONS.................................. 55 5.2.3 CIRCUMSTANTIAL RELATION OF ACCOMPANIMENT......... 55 6 SUMMARY.................................................................................................... 56 APPENDIX II: LITERATURE ON WOLOF................................................ 85 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................... 86 REFERENCES .................................................................................................. 88 HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 3 1 Introduction This paper investigates into the field of experiencer constructions in the Atlantic language Wolof.1 The analysis is carried out within the framework of a research project on experiencer encoding in African Languages2 and follows a model developed by M. Reh (1998a and 1998b) which records descriptively and comparatively the lexico-grammatical means available in African languages to denote experiential situations. I begin in the next section with a characterization of the thematic role ‘experiencer’. The following section briefly outlines Reh’s model, which forms the theoretical framework of the paper. A descriptive recording and thorough analysis of experiencer situations in Wolof is the topic of section 2. The final section summarizes the lexico-grammatical means available in Wolof to render experiencer expressions and compares different grammatical realizations across all sub-domains of experiential situations with regard to possible structural and functional regularities and their respective motivations. According to the principle of nonsynonymy of grammatical forms it is assumed that a systematic difference in the linguistic encoding corresponds to a systematic difference in meaning. 1.1 The Experiencer This section is going to discuss the notion of ‘thematic roles’ (also known as semantic roles, theta roles, theta grids, participant roles, thematic relations, deep cases, semantic cases, case frames). The most common understanding is that thematic roles are semantic/conceptual elements and they are assumed to be the source of grammatical relations in many linguistic theories. They express generalizations on the types of lexical functions that are established between the verb and its arguments in the predication. By assigning thematic roles, the linguist attempts to capture similarities and differences in verb meaning that are reflected in 1 Wolof is classified as a member of the Atlantic language family, one of the subdivisions of the Niger-Congo language phylum. It is spoken by about 4 million people in Senegal, Gambia and parts of Mauritania. The Wolof examples on experiential situations in this paper are taken from a combination of sources. A great deal of the examples were elicited from native speakers during a research stay in Gambia and Senegal between November 1998 and March 1999 with the help of a questionnaire, developed by M. Reh (1998) within the framework of the research project on experiencer encoding in African languages. Other examples are taken from a variety of published materials: grammar books, dictionaries, newspapers, instructional books published by the government of Senegal, narratives (novels and tales) and transcriptions of radio and television plays. The published sources are listed in Appendix II. 2 The research project ‚Experiencer encoding in African Languages‘ was started in 1996, directed by Mechthild Reh, Institute of African and Ethiopian Studies, University of Hamburg, and is sponsored by the German Research Foundation (DFG). HAAP 2 (2003) 4 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof argument expression, with emergent generalizations that will contribute to the mapping from semantics to syntax. Since Fillmore (1968) popularized the notion of ‘deep semantic cases’ as underlying situational categories, which have to be distinguished from grammatical surface structure categories, such as subject and object, an extensive literature has been published on this subject. Despite the general agreement on the importance of the notion of thematic roles authors disagree on how many different roles are to be distinguished. The lists of individual roles given in the literature vary from author to author which is primarily due to the problem of delimiting particular roles. This in turn is attributable to the problem of selecting specific semantic parameters for characterizing such roles. I will introduce here three different approaches to the question of thematic role assignment in order to demonstrate the considerations underlying the conceptualization of experiencer-participants in Reh’s model. (a) Longacre (1983) An early attempt to define an inventory of thematic roles and their relationship to the verb types with which they characteristically occur is lined out in Longacre (1983). Longacre developed ‘case frame model’, which divides verbs into 48 distinct types (or case frames) on the basis of their inherent semantics (i.e., whether they are state, process, action-process, or action verbs) in addition to a number of special semantic parameters such as reference to physical states, reference to factual knowledge, reference to emotions or the psych, etc. Ten nuclear cases/thematic roles (agent, patient, experiencer, range, measure, instrument, locative, source, goal, path) are required in this model to determine the roles that the referents of nominal phrases play in varying situations as distinguished by the established verb types. The experiencer-role which he defined as ”an animate entity whose registering nervous system is relevant to the predication” (Longacre 1983:155) figures in a number of experiential case frames, that is, case frames which refer to factual knowledge, desire, cognition, emotions and the psych, etc. The model is of highly descriptive value but due to its complexity of less value for general statements concerning role assignments. (b) Bugenhagen (1990) Bugenhagen’s approach to the problem of role assignment which he presents in the introductory chapter of a descriptive analysis of experiential constructions in the Austronesian language Mangap-Mbula, reduces the number of thematic roles to two basic categories: protoagent and proto-patient. Thematic roles are no longer viewed as discrete and bound categories (a view underlying Longacre’s approach) but as more or less prototypical versions of the two basic roles. Thus, according to Bugenhagen the thematic role of an experiencer is not defined HAAP 2 (2003) 5 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof as clearly distinct from the roles of prototypical agents and prototypical patients but is rather defined as an intermediate role between prototypical agent and prototypical patient. The following table lists the semantic features, which characterize a prototypical agent, a prototypical patient, and an experiencer (Bugenhagen 1990:184-185). human entity volition initiation control sentience affectedness prototypical agent + + + + + - prototypical patient + experiencer + +/+/+/+ + Table (1): Semantic features characterizing the thematic role of an experiencer as distinct from those of prototypical agents and prototypical patients. According to this definition agent-like and patient-like features overlap in the description of an experiencer-role. The experiencer shares semantic features with the prototypical agent (human entity, sentience) as well as with the prototypical patient (affectedness) and is left unspecified with regard to other features (volition, control, initiation). Different encoding of the experiencer (as grammatical subject or as grammatical object) manifests different conceptualizations of experiential situations. Underlying Bugenhagen’s definition of the role of an experiencer is the presumption that experiential situations are built on prototypical causal type events, i.e. events involving a transitive verb which prototypically renders a material process and two participants, the Agent and the Patient. The activity encoded in the verb is viewed as a transfer of energy from the agent-participant to the patient-participant. When the experiencer is coded as the subject of an affective predication she or he is perceived as having an active, volitional, controlled involvement in the interaction. [experiencer]subject [experitum]verb [stimulus]object When the experiencer is coded as the object of an affective predication she or he is conceptualized as a passive or inactive participant with a non-volitional involvement in the situation. HAAP 2 (2003) 6 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof [stimulus]subject [experitum]verb [experiencer]object The cognitive dominance of the ‚causal type event‘ is widespread but investigations into experiential constructions in African languages revealed (Ameka 1990, Bugenhagen 1990, Reh 1998) that an experiencer participant can be rendered linguistically in a way that differs from grammatical realizations as prototypical agent or patient, i.e., without reference to the causation schema. In this case metaphorization is used as a grammatical strategy to manipulate the renderings of experiencer situations. When experiential situations are not expressed by literal expression types which already allow for some variation as to the grammatical encoding of the experiencer participant (i.e. as grammatical subject or as grammatical object) but are rendered metaphorically, the question arises which pragmatic functions the metaphorical use of language serves and how to account for the differences between literal and metaphorical renderings. Bugenhagen’s approach to explaining the relationship between the grammatical position taken by the experiencer participant and the semantic interpretations derived from differing grammatical encodings does not account for metaphorical representations of experiencer situations, especially those figurative expressions which are not grounded in the causation schema. (c) Halliday (1994) Hallidays functional-systemic approach to explaining the grammatical and semantic relationship that participants bear to the clause allows capturing the connections between congruent3 and metaphorical expressions of experiential situations and is briefly outlined here. Halliday (1994:106-124) classifies verbs, not according to their internal semantics (a subdivision underlying Longacre’s model) but according to their external semantics, i.e., whether they express outer experience (material processes), inner experience (mental processes), or relational experience (relational processes).4 According to the category of process, which they describe, verbs entail different thematic roles for participants of the clause. Material processes are characteristically associated with the roles actor and goal (the agent and the patient in the terminology of some authors as outlined in Bugenhagen 1990). Relational processes, which express that a relationship is being set up between two entities, characteristically include a carrier role and an attribute role (if the relationship is of the attributive type) or the roles of an identified and an identifier (if the relationship is of the identifying type). 3 Halliday (1985:321) introduces the term ‚congruent‘ to refer to literal expressions as distinct from metaphorical expressions. According to Halliday congruent modes of representation are typically the ‚unmarked‘ way of saying a thing. 4 Besides the three main types of processes (material, mental, relational) Halliday (1994:139) recognizes three subsidiary process types, located at the boundaries of the main types: (A) Behavioral processes between material and mental processes. (B) Verbal processes between mental and relational processes. (C) Existential processes between relational and material processes. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 7 It is only the mental processes (Halliday 1994:108: SEEING, FEELING, THINKING) that characteristically include one participant that is endowed with consciousness and to whom the role-label ‘senser’ is given (the experiencer in the terminology of most authors) and an element that is experienced to which the role-label ‘phenomenon’ is assigned. The relevance of this approach for explaining the diverse encoding of experiential situations lies in the fact that Halliday’s model allows to distinguish particular thematic roles for participants of experiencer expressions encoded by mental process verbs as distinct from the thematic role requirements of material or relational process verbs which are the source of metaphorical renderings of experiential situations. Thus, according to Halliday, an experiential situation may be presented congruently as a mental process that usually has the structure ‘senser – mental process – phenomenon’. It may, however, alternatively be encoded as a material or a relational process, that is, by a metaphorical mode of representation. In this case, the cognitive units of experiencer constructions (senser, mental process, phenomenon) can be arranged in differing configurations. What is meant by this (Halliday 1985:322) is that a mental process like I saw can, for example, be turned into a participant of a material process (a sight) as in I came upon a sight or even be split up into an actor (a sight), a material process (met) and a goal (eyes) as in a wonderful sight met her eyes. It will become apparent in the section on experiencer encoding in Wolof that the internal semantics as well as the external semantics of verbs in experiential constructions with their respective requirements for participant roles and related grammatical functions have to be considered in order to capture the conceptual differences of propositionally related experiential predications. The following section presents the conceptual framework for the analysis of experiencer encoding in African languages as outlined in Reh (1998a, 1998b). The framework builds on elements drawn from Bugenhagen’s (1990) as well as Halliday’s (1985 and 1994) analysis of experiential situation and further extends and specifies them. 1.2 The theoretical framework The theoretical framework of Reh‘s research project on experiencer encoding in African languages will be specified in this section. First all relevant definitions concerning experiencer expressions will be given. The next section names the experiential domains and their respective sub domains that have been selected for analysis in Reh’s project. I then move on to present Reh’s model, which was developed on the basis of empirical facts from a great number of African languages. HAAP 2 (2003) 8 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 1.2.1 Definitions The term ‚experiencer construction‘ is used for clauses that (a) denote mental or inner physical experience and (b) express the experiencer participant linguistically. Conceptually experiencer constructions are depicted as consisting of three cognitive units (Reh 1998a:2 and 1998b): 1. Experiencer: the participant who undergoes the mental or inner physical experience and who is aware of it. 2. Experitum: the mental or inner physical experience. 3. Phenomenon: the participant that gives rise to the mental or inner physical experience. These units are linguistically complemented by a fourth unit, the predicator, which transforms the proposition into a clause. 1.2.2 Experiential domains Reh‘s model treats experiential situations as consisting of the following six domains and subsequent sub domains of mental and inner physical experience: EMOTION COGNITION CONCEPTION VOLITION PERCEP. PHYSICAL ANGER KNOWING BELIEVING/ WANTING SEEING PAIN FEAR UNDERSTANDING TRUSTING NEEDING HEARING COLD JOY/HAPPYNESS REMEMBERING THINKING ENVYING SMELLING SWEATING LOVE FORGETTING ASSUMING CONTENTM. WORRY SURPRISE DOUBTING SHAME DISAPPOINTMENT SADNESS HATE PITY JEALOUSY Table (2): Domains and sub domains of experiential situations. HAAP 2 (2003) HUNGER SICKNESS PREGNANCY J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 9 1.2.3 The model On the basis of linguistic facts from African languages Reh developed a model which intends to record the linguistic means available in African languages to render the pragmatically least marked forms of experiential situations, whether they are expressed by a congruent or by a metaphoric construction. The language data thus collected and categorized is supposed to serve as a base for a comparative analysis of experiencer expressions as attested in African languages (and also cross-linguistically). The model allows for the following semanto-grammatical differences to be considered in the analysis of linguistic representations of experiential expressions: (1) The dimension of topic selection, i.e. which of the three main conceptual units of experiential expressions, the experiencer participant, the experitum, or the phenomenon participant are encoded in subject position. Since different perspectives or conceptualizations of experiencers are signaled by the grammatical relation assumed by the experiencer-participant, special attention is laid on the grammatical function hold by this particular participant in a specific context. (2) The dimension of expressive strategy, i.e. whether the experiential situation is rendered by a congruent expression – that is, an expression in which the semantic domain of the basic meaning of the predicate is congruent with the semantic domain to which the meaning of the whole clause belongs (labeling expressions, metonymically expanded expressions, or derived expressions) or whether the experiential situation is rendered by a metaphorical clause – that is, a clause in which the experiential situation does not derive from the lexical meaning of the predicate but from participants added (locative and possessive copula constructions, specifying expressions, attributive expressions, anthropomorphistic expressions). (3) The dimension of pragmatical markedness. (4) The dimension of grammatical transitivity. (5) The person category of the experiencer participant. Because of the importance of the second dimension for a systematic analysis of experiencer encoding, the subdivisions of congruent as well as metaphorical expressions will be explicated here in more detail. HAAP 2 (2003) 10 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof Congruent expressions: - Labeling expression: the experiencer situation is rendered by a monomorphemic verb displaying an unmotivated sound sequence. - Metonymically expanded expression: the literal meaning of the verbal predicate refers to a different but related semantic area. - Derived expression: the verbal predicate is morphologically derived to bind other participants. Metaphoric expressions: - Locative / possessive copula constructions: the experiencer situation is presented in terms of a spatial configuration between the experiencer and the experitum (locative) or the experiencer situation is rendered as a relation between two entities in possessive terms as ‘having’ or ‘owning’ the relevant experitum (possessive). - Specifying expressions: the predicate is made up of a transitive perception verb that indicates the general semantic area. The experiential situation is then further specified by the direct object of this perception verb, which denotes the specific experitum. - Attributive expressions: the experiencer situation is represented as the physical quality of a body part or as a qualitative relation between the phenomenon and the experiencer, provided the respective language owns a phenomenon-oriented congruent verb. - Anthropomorphistic expressions: the nominally expressed experitum (or metonymically a body part associated with the experiential situation) and other participants are related by means of a verb taken from the domain of material processes. Having laid out the conceptual basics of experiencer constructions and explicated the terminology used in reference to mental and inner physical experience in the previous section, I now move on to explore the various ways of conceptualizing experiential situations that are encoded in grammatical constructions in Wolof. 1.3 Structure of the analysis Differences in the congruent grammatical encoding of experiencer situations in Wolof suggest a three-way distinction between the following domains: (1) emotional experiences, (2) nonemotional mental experiences, and (3) inner physical experiences. There are systematic HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 11 differences in the linguistic encoding of each of the experiential groups set up above. One of the differences relates to the argument structure of the verb, i.e., whether the verb occurs with only one argument, the subject, or whether two arguments are required. Croft (1993:58-63) captured the difference between one-place and two-place mental verbs and their respective participant role requirements in a model, which depicts the semantic structure of events as causal chains. He distinguished four causal types: volitional, physical, inducive, and affective causation. According to Croft, mental verbs belong to the affective causation type and divide into three subsets: mental state verbs, mental activity verbs and causative mental verbs. (a) Mental state verbs imply no inherent directionality of causation; no transmission of force is involved. The experiencer is assigned to subject position and the stimulus is frequently found in a governed oblique since the experiencer does not affect it. (b) Mental activity verbs assign the experiencer to subject position and the stimulus to object position, a result of the directionality of causation. (c) Causative mental verbs require the stimulus (the ‘phenomenon’ in Reh’s terminology) to be the subject and the experiencer to be the object because they represent a transmission of force from the stimulus to the experiencer. Croft’s classification of mental verbs can be applied to experiencer verbs in Wolof. Experiencer verbs belong to one of the above-mentioned subsets of mental verbs, yet they are not equally distributed across the experiential domains but rather show the following salient distribution pattern in congruent expressions: Non-emotional mental experiences are predominantly rendered in congruent expressions by transitive or two-place verbs in their pragmatically least marked form. In these constructions the experiencer participant and the phenomenon participant are usually grammatically expressed as subject and object of the clause respectively. Emotional and inner physical experiences, on the other hand, are typically encoded in their pragmatically least marked form with only one participant, the experiencer, overtly expressed. The second participant, the phenomenon is not made explicit. It requires a causative verb to express that the mental or inner physical state is triggered by some external cause. The external cause is then grammatically encoded as the subject of the clause and the experiencer is shifted to object position. One of the sub domains of inner physical experience, the sub domain PAIN shows the peculiarity that the locus of affect and not the experiencer participant or any of the conceptual HAAP 2 (2003) 12 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof entities outlined in Reh’s model are encoded as the grammatical subject of a congruent expression. The linguistic survey of experiential situations in Wolof starts in the next section with a systematic study of emotional expressions in Wolof. The following two sections will investigate into non-emotional mental experiences and into the domain of inner physical experience. 3 The codification of emotion in Wolof I begin this section with a presentation of the general pattern underlying the codification of emotional expressions. The linguistic renderings of the emotional sub domains which follow this general pattern will be presented below in order to illustrate that there are principled distinctions between congruent expressions and metaphorical body part phrases, whether the phenomenon-participant triggering the emotional state is explicitly expressed or not. The following table presents an overview of the general pattern underlying the codification of emotional expression. EMOTION GRIEF ANGER FEAR JOY CONTENTMENT congruent metaphoric metaphoric S (experiencer) S (phenomenon) S (body part) S (phenomenon) dafa naqarlu suma xol dafa naqari dafa naqari suma xol ‚she feels bitter‘ ‚it made me feel bitter‘ ‚my heart is bitter‘ ‚it made my heart bitter‘ dafa mer daf ma merloo suma xol bi tàng dafa tàngal suma xol ‚she is angry‘ ‚it made her/him angry‘ ‚my heart is hot‘ ‚it heated my heart‘ dafa tiit daf ma tiitloo suma fit dafa ricc — ‚she fears‘ ‚it frightens her/him‘ ‚my spirit escaped‘ dafa kontaan daf ma kontaanloo suma xol bi fééx ‚she is happy‘ ‚it made her/him happy‘ ‚my heart is fresh‘ it refreshed my heart‘ dafa kontaan daf ma kontaanloo suma xel bi dal dafa dalal suma xel ‚she is satisf.‘ ‚it satisfied her/him‘ ‚my mind is settled‘ ‚it calmed my mind‘ HAAP 2 (2003) congruent daf ma naqarloo dafa fééxal suma xol 13 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof EMOTION WORRY SHAME SADNESS congruent congruent metaphoric metaphoric S (experiencer) S (phenomenon) S (body part) S (phenomenon) dafay jaaxle daf ma jaaxal suma xel bi dalul mënoo dalal suma xel ‚she worries‘ ‚it worried her/him‘ ‚my mind is not settled‘ ‚it can’t calm my mind‘ dafa rus daf ma rusloo suma der bi yàqu danga yàq suma der ‚she is ashemed‘ ‚it ashamed her/him‘ ‚my skin is destroyed‘ ‚you destroyed my skin‘ — suma yaram bi yepp dee — — ‚my whole body died‘ DISAPPOINTM. JEALOUSY — — suma xel bi tilim dafa tilimal suma xel ‚my mind is dirty ‚it made my mind dirty dafa fiir dafa xett xolam 5 ‚he is jealous‘ SURPRISE dafa waaru ‚it pierced her/his heart‘ daf ma waar — — ‚she is surprised‘ ‚it surprised her/him Table (3): General codification pattern of emotional situations. The examples given in table (3) illustrate that specific body parts are associated with specific emotions: xol xel yaram der ‚heart‘ ‚mind‘ ‚body‘ ‚skin‘ seat of GRIEF, ANGER, JOY, JEALOUSY seat of CONTENTMENT, WORRY, DISAPPOINTMENT seat of SADNESS, PITY seat of SHAME Three emotional sub domains, LOVE, HATE, and PITY, are not encoded according to this general pattern and will be explicated after the general strategies have been outlined. There are of course quite a number of further metaphorical renderings of emotional situations that modify one or more of the semantic and pragmatic features of the pragmatically least 5 The emotional situation JEALOUSY can only be rendered with a mental state verb in a congruent expression. A corresponding causative verb is not attested. This might be due to the fact that jealousy is, according to informants, an emotion exclusively experienced by a husband and usually triggered by (one of) his wife (his wives). HAAP 2 (2003) 14 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof marked forms. These metaphoric expressions will be systemized and analyzed in section 3.6. in order to demonstrate the full range of semanto-grammatical means available to a speaker of Wolof to signal different conceptualizations of a particular situation and the participants involved in it. 3.1 Congruent rendering vs. metaphorical body part expression The examples given in table (3) illustrate that emotional expressions show the peculiarity that for a given emotion a congruent experiencer-oriented rendering (e.g. dafa mer ‘she is angry’) corresponds systematically to a metaphorical body part-oriented rendering (e.g. xolam dafa tàng ‘his/her heart is hot’) – that is, a body part phrasal which usually renders the emotional situation as the physical quality of a body part and encodes the experiencer-participant as the possessive attribute of the respective body part term.6 In experiencer-oriented congruent expression the phenomenon-participant gets not expressed overtly. Instead, congruent expressions including the phenomenon encode this participant in subject position (e.g. daf ko merloo ‘it made him/her feel angry’) and they correspond systematically to phenomenonoriented body part phrases (e.g. dafay tàngal sama xol ‘it heats my heart’) in which the experitum is expressed by a body part noun which is represented as acquiring a certain quality under the influence of the phenomenon-participant. The semantic difference captured by these two encoding relates, according to the statement of Wolof-informants, to whether the emotional state of the experiencer is manifested overtly in some sort of physical or physiological behavior (e.g. facial expressions, body postures, bodily activities, etc.) or whether the emotional state is not expressed overtly.7 If the emotion is not physically expressed a body part term which is supposed to be the seat of the respective emotion is introduced and typically modified by a qualitative verb. From this follows that the difference between the above mentioned congruent and metaphorical body part expressions does not relate to pragmatical markedness, irrespective of whether pragmatical markedness be defined in terms of a higher intensity in regard to the 6 In one instance the emotional situation is not construed as the physical quality of a body part, instead another strategy, the anthropomorphistic strategy, is used. In this case, the body part associated with the experiential situation acts as a metaphorical agent and gets combined with a verb whose literal meaning pertains to a material process (e.g. FEAR ricc ‚to escape‘ in suma fit dafa ricc ‚my spirit escaped‘). 7 A distributional analysis of this type of body part expressions within the Wolof-data which serves as the analytical base of this study revealed, that the possibility to differentiate between an emotion which is physically or physiologically expressed and one which is not physically or physiologically expressed correlates with a dominance of 3rd person reference in the use of congruent constructions and a dominance of 1st person reference in the use of body part constructions. This might be due to the fact that outer manifestations of emotions are more likely to be observed with other people while a speaker referring to himself or herself will more likely express in words what is not yet expressed physically. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 15 respective emotion or whether it be defined statistically by comparing the number of occurrences of different renderings of a given emotional expression. Thus the emotion WORRY is congruently rendered with the labeling verb jaaxle ‚to worry‘ as in dafay jaaxle ‚she worries‘. Yet, the corresponding body part phrasal xelam bi dalul ‚his/her mind is not at peace‘ displays a higher statistical frequency and indicates less intensity in regard to the mental state as compared to the labeling emotion verb. This might be interpreted along the same lines as has been done concerning the differences between congruent renderings and body part phrases in as much as emotions which find no outer expression might be assumed to be minor in intensity and still kept in their respective bodily seats whereas an increase in intensity finally results in the physical or physiological visibleness of the respective emotion. Body part phrases push any aspects of control on part of the experiencer into the background. They express a relational process of the attributive type and are thus not grounded in the causation schema. Furthermore, the experiencer is substituted for a body part term and appears only as a possessor attribute to this body part. Hence, she or he is conceptualized as an inactive participant in the respective emotional process. The examples given in table (3) relate one congruent expression to one metaphoric rendering. Yet, there is usually more than one metaphoric expression corresponding to one congruent one. The choice of attribute as encoded in the verbal element of the body part phrasal allows for a quite elaborate differentiation between different shades of intensity in regard to the emotional concept, which is encoded in the sentence. The examples given below illustrate how the emotion ANGER can be rendered linguistically. One congruent rendering stands against a number of possible metaphorical renderings, which express increasing shades of intensity in regard to the respective emotion. congruent dafa mer ‚she is angry‘ body part phrasal sama xol bi neexul ‚my heart is not sweet‘ sama xol bi bon ‚my heart is bad‘ sama xol bi tój ‚my heart is broken‘ sama xol bi tàng ‚my heart is hot‘ sama xol bi fuur ‚my heart is boiling, effervescent‘ HAAP 2 (2003) 16 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof It is not unusual that there exists also more than one congruent expression to encode a specific emotion. The verbs of these additional congruent expressions (which may be labeling, derived or metonymically expanded verbs) are less frequently used by speakers of Wolof and are either considered ‚more old-fashioned‘ or ‚more traditional Wolof-style‘ by informants or they convey specific semantic connotations. Below, five emotional situations are chosen to illustrate the semantic differences which are expressed by the choice of different congruent renderings of the same emotional situation. emotion JOY SURPRISE SHAME JEALOUSY GRIEF unmarked form kontaan ‚be happy‘ more old-fashioned special semantic connotations bég baneexu8 ‚be happy‘ ‚enjoy oneself, be happy‘ doylu9 ‚have all one needs, be happy‘ waaru jommi ‚be surprised‘ ‚be amazed, be surprised‘ rus torox ‚be ashamed‘ ‚be ashamed‘ fiir añaan ‚be jealous‘ ‚be jealous, be envious‘ naqarlu mettitlu10 ‚experience sorrow‘ ‚brood about a painful event‘ Two emotional concepts DISSAPOINTMENT and SADNESS, which are lexically expressed in English with the labeling verbs ‘be disappointed’ and ‘be sad’, are not lexicalized by a verbal lexeme in Wolof. Instead the derived verb naqarlu (naqar-l-u bitterness-CAUS-MID) to experience a profound sorrow, to grief‘ covers the two emotion types and it was also given by Wolof informants in reference to the emotional category ANGER. In this case, the verb implies that the feeling of ANGER is directed toward the speaker, i. e., the verb meaning is equivalent to English ‚be angry at oneself‘ or ‚be frustrated‘. 8 The mental state verb baneexu is derived from the noun baneex b- ‚the enjoyment‘ with the middle suffix –u. Furthermore, the noun baneex is itself derived from the verb neex ‚to be sweet‘ with the nominalizing prefix bawhich is traceable etymologically to an original function as prefixed class marker. 9 The mental state verb doylu is derived from the one-place verb doy ‚to be enough‘ with the causative suffix –al and the middle suffix –u. 10 The mental state verb mettitlu is formed from a nominal base (mettit ‚pain‘) with two affixes, the causative suffix –al and the middle suffix –u. It pertains in its literal meaning to the domain of INTERNAL PHYSICAL EXPERIENCE, hence, metonymy is involved. HAAP 2 (2003) 17 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof The fact that a labeling verb in Wolof covers a number of emotional categories that are lexically distinguished in other languages might be due to similar physical or physiological manifestations of these emotions on part of the experiencer. This view is corroborated by the fact that body part phrases, which, as noted earlier, express emotions without a physical or physiological manifestation on part of the experiencer, do distinguish differing emotional concepts related to English language use. The differences are expressed by the choice of different body part nouns, which are construed as the seat of the emotion (the heart is the seat of ANGER, the body is the seat of SADNESS, and the mind is the seat of DISSAPOINTMENT) and the qualities associated with the respective body part terms. Body part phrases rendering the emotional situations DISAPPOINTMENT are given below. ANGER, FRUSTRATION ANGER, FRUSTRATION ANGER, FRUSTRATION ANGER, FRUSTRATION SADNESS SADNESS DISSAPOINTMENT FRUSTRATION, congruent dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ dafa naqarlu ‚she experiences bitterness‘ SADNESS and body part phrasal sama xol dafa naqari ‚my heart is bitter‘ sama xol bi tiis ‚my heart is heavy‘ sama xol dafa jeex ‚my heart is finished‘ sama xol bi yàqu ‚my heart is spoiled‘ sama yaram bi yepp dee ‚my whole body died‘ sama yaram nangul ‚my body does not agree‘ sa xel dafa tilim ‚my mind is dirty‘ In table (3) above two experiencer sub domains CONTENTMENT and SURPRISE, which Reh and Simon (1998:42) classified as subsets of desiderative and cognitive experience respectively, have been included as emotional experiences on the basis of their structural features which correspond to the ones described for emotional categories. As far as SURPRISE is concerned, there are no body part phrasals attested which correspond to the congruent rendering. Yet, the general linguistic pattern, i.e., a congruent experienceroriented construction with no overt expression of the phenomenon-participant pairs with a congruent phenomenon-oriented construction, determined the categorization of SURPRISE as an emotional sub domain. HAAP 2 (2003) 18 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof CONTENTMENT, on the other hand, is lexically not differentiated from the concept JOY. They are both expressed congruently with the French loanword kontaan (be happy, be satisfied). A Wolof lexeme bég (be happy, be satisfied), which also covers both semantic fields, i.e. JOY and CONTENTMENT, exists but was considered by Wolof-informants as more ‚old-fashioned‘ or ‚traditional Wolof style‘. It is the body part phrases, which reveal that two experiential categories might actually underlie one congruent rendering. As will be laid out below, JOY is metaphorically rendered predominantly with reference to the body part term xol (heart) whereas CONTENTMENT is metaphorically rendered predominantly with the body part term xel (mind). The same qualities might be attributed to either of the two body parts, a fact which indicates the close conceptual relationship between the two experiential sub domains. Congruent renderings: JOY/CONTENTM. dafa kontaan dafa bég ‚she is happy‘, ‚she is satisfied‘ ‚she is happy‘, ‚she is satisfied‘ Body part phrasals: JOY sama xol bi sedd sama xol bi fééx sama xol bi neex sama xol angi dal ‚my heart is cold‘ ‚my heart is fresh‘ ‚my heart is sweet‘ ‚my heart is at peace‘ CONTENTMENT sama xel angi dal sama xel dafa fééx ‚my mind is at peace‘ ‚my mind is fresh‘ The appropriateness of classifying CONTENTMENT as a sub domain of emotional experience and not as a sub domain of desiderative experience - is corroborated, not only by the general structure of encoding this mental experience, but also by a semantic comparison of the qualitative verbs which are assigned attributively to body part nouns in body part phrases rendering contrary emotional experiences. CONTENTMENT (1)a sama xel bi dal ‚my mind is at peace‘ WORRY pairs with (1)b JOY (2) sama xol bi sedd/fééx/neex pairs with ‚my heart is cold/fresh/sweet HAAP 2 (2003) sama xel bi dalul ‚my mind is not at peace‘ ANGER (2)b sama xol bi tàng/neexul ‚my heart is hot/ is not sweet‘ J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 19 The quality verb dal ‚be at peace‘ in the body part phrase rendering CONTENTMENT forms an antonym with the quality verb in the body part expression rendering WORRY in the same way as quality verbs in body part phrases expressing JOY form antonyms with the quality verbs in body part phrases rendering ANGER. Since WORRY is categorized (according to Reh 1998a&b) as an emotional experience it follows that CONTENTMENT too should be identified as an emotional sub domain. Yet, the hermaphroditic status of both WORRY and CONTENTMENT can be inferred from the body part term xel ‚mind‘ which typically occurs in body part clauses expressing mental processes of thinking and reasoning. The use of mental state verbs in congruent expressions alongside the use of the body part term xel in the metaphorical renderings thus indicates that both experiences, in one respect, reflect an emotional process/state, on the other hand, they reflect a mental process involving the intellect. 3.2 Phenomenon-oriented emotional expressions The previous section outlined the general pattern of emotional situations. They are typically rendered with no overt expression of the phenomenon-participant: in experiencer-oriented congruent encoding by mental state verbs, in body part-oriented metaphorical encoding by quality verbs, which are also inherently stative. With congruent renderings as well as with body part phrases it requires an experiencer-objectverb in order to express that the feelings are triggered by some external cause. The external cause or phenomenon is then grammatically encoded as the subject of the clause and the experiencer is shifted to object position (in congruent renderings) or, respectively, is encoded as the possessor attribute of a body part term in object position (in metaphorical renderings). There are three types of experiencer-object-verbs encoding emotional expressions in Wolof: (a) Causative verbs derived from one-place verbs with the causative suffix –al. (b) Causative verbs derived from one-place verbs with the causative suffix –loo (c) Basic (non-derived) experiencer-object-verbs. Each type of experiencer-object-verb will be discussed in the following sections with special attention paid to the difference between al- and loo-derived causatives. HAAP 2 (2003) 20 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 3.2.1 The causative suffix –al The experiencer-object-verb in a phenomenon-oriented body part phrasal is usually derived from the respective one-place quality verb of the body part-oriented construction by the attachment of the derivational affix -al. The suffix –al triggers an argument structure change. It augments the valence of the basic verb such that the number of required arguments is increased for one more argument, the causer. The phenomenon-participant assumes subject position and the body part noun is shifted to object position. The following list illustrates this derivational process: body part oriented suma xol bi fééx ‚my heart is fresh‘ phenomenon-oriented dafay fééxal suma xol ‚it refreshes my heart‘ ANGER suma xol bi tàng ‚my heart is hot‘ dafay tàngal suma xol ‚it heats my heart‘ WORRY suma xel bi tilim ‚my mind is dirty‘. dafa tilimal suma xel ‚it made my mind dirty‘ CONTENTM. suma xel bi dal ‚my mind is at peace‘ dafa dalal suma xel ‚it calmed my mind‘ JOY There are two exceptions to this general pattern. The first includes the two-place verb yàq ‚to destroy‘. This non-derived transitive verb appears in phenomenon-oriented body part phrases which express the emotions SHAME and GRIEF while the respective one-place verb of the body part-oriented metaphoric expression is derived from the basic two-place verb by means of the middle suffix –u. SHAME (3)a dafa yàq suma der ‚it destroyed my skin‘ (3)b suma der dafa yàqu ‚my skin is destroyed‘ dafa yàq suma xol ‚it destroyed my heart‘ (4)b suma xol dafa yàqu ‚my heart is destroyed‘ GRIEF (4)a HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 21 The second exception concerns the verb naqari ‚be bitter, to make bitter‘ which has a transitive and an intransitive reading11 and thus appears in the body part-oriented as well as in the phenomenon-oriented metaphoric renderings of the emotion GRIEF. GRIEF (4)C dafa naqari suma xol ‚it made my heart bitter‘ (4)d suma xol dafa naqari ‚my heart is bitter‘ 3.2.2 The causative suffix –loo The second causative suffix –loo12 is used to form experiencer-object-verbs from mental state verbs. Most mental state verbs can also be extended with the general causative suffix –al in order to become experiencer-object-verbs but the causative suffix –loo cannot be applied to material verbs. It is restricted to (1) experiencer verbs expressing mental states ( kontaan ‚be happy‘ > kontaanloo ‚to make happy‘;gum ‚to believe‘ > gumloo ‚to make believe‘), (2) states of inner physical experience (xiif ‚be hungry‘ > xiifloo ‚to make hungry‘, etc.), and (3) verbs expressing physical signs of mental states (jooy ‚to cry‘ > jooyloo ‚to make cry‘; ree ‚to laugh‘ > reeloo ‚to amuse‘; etc.). 13 Thus, a material verb like neex ‘be sweet’ can be extended with the causative suffix –al (neexal ‘to sweeten’) but not with the causative suffix –loo whereas a mental verb like tiit ‘to fear’ can be extended with the causative suffix –al (tiit-al ‘to frighten) or the causative suffix –loo (tiit-loo ‘to cause someone to be afraid). Other mental verbs again, i.e. mer ‘be angry’, rus ‘be ashamed’, kontaan ‘be happy’ do only allow the addition of the causative suffix –loo (mer-loo ‘to make someone feel angry’, rus-loo ‘to put someone to shame’, kontaan-loo ‘to make someone feel happy’). 11 The verb naqari is formed from the noun naqar ‚bitterness‘. In its transitive reading it functions as an experiencer-object verb (daf ma naqari ‚it makes me bitter‘) but it cannot function as an experiencer-subject verb in its intransitive reading since the subject of ITR naqari has to be a non-human entity. The respective experiencer-subject verb is formed from the nominal base naqar with the causative suffix –al and the middle suffix –u: naqarlu ‘to experience sorrow’. 12 In the literature on Wolof the function of the suffix –loo in combination with one-place verbes is described as follows: (Kobes 1923:182): Il rend actifs et exprime l’idée de produire la qualité ou l’action signifiée par le radical: mer ‚être en colère‘; merloo ‚mettre en colère‘. (Fal 1991:29): Factitif –loo: avec les verbes d’état: mettre dans un état: jooy ‚pleurer‘ > jooyloo ‚faire pleurer‘. 13 Hallliday classifies this a set of verbs as ‚behavioral verbs, i.e., verbs encoding processes that (Halliday 1994:107) ”represent manifestations of inner workings, the acting out of processes of consciousness and physiological states." To my knowledge there is only one exception where a monovalent verb of locomotion dox ‚to walk, to go‘ serves as the base for the extension –loo (Speisser 1888:139): mu ngiy doxloo gaal gi ‚Il a fait marcher le bâteau.‘ Here the boat is seen as an entity endowed with the ability to move itself while the subject of the clause is seen as instigating the action of moving with no direct causality implied. A derived form doxal that is formed from the basic verb with the suffix -al is attested in Fal (1991:66) na nga doxal liggééy bi ‚you should speed up the work‘. The last example implies a direct causation on part of the verb’s subject. HAAP 2 (2003) 22 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof The verbal extension –loo is a complex derivational affix. In order to understand the semantosyntactic function of this suffix it is necessary to decompose it in its constituting elements and analyze their functions and meanings. The derivational element –loo is composed of three affixes in the order –al + -u + -e. The suffix –al augments the valence of the base verb to permit an additional causer argument in subject position. The experiencer-participant as the causee of the al-derived causative verb assumes object position. Yet, it is the causee who actually performs the action encoded in the verb and at the same time she or he is the entity affected by the verbalized action. This semantic feature - i.e., the experiencer-participant in object position possesses agent-like (sentience, some degree of control and initiation) as well as patient-like (affectedness) characteristics is signalled by the suffix –u14. The fact that the mental process/state experienced by the experiencer-participant in object position is due to a causal element is marked for by the circumstantial suffix –e. The difference between al- and loo-derived causatives - which is one of representing the experiencer participant as purely affected (al-causative) as against a representation of the experiencer-participant as affectee and performer of the action simultaneously (loo-causative) - will be illustrated in the following examples on the basis of the mental state verb tiit ‚be afraid‘ which is one of the mental state verbs that allow the application of both causative suffixes. tiit ‚to fear‘ (5)a dafa tiit-al xale FEAR S3sg fear-CS child bi DET ‚she frightened the child‘ (5)b daf ma tiit-loo S3sg O1sg fear-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it made me feel afraid‘ Example (5)a depicts a causal sequence in which the causer in subject position (semantically the phenomenon-participant of the experiential expression) acts directly on the causee in object position (semantically the experiencer-participant of the experiential expression). The causer is the actor/agent whereas the causee bears the patient/goal role. Thus the extension –al 14 In Wolof, verb stems that combine with the suffix -u are verbs which can signal: (1) reflexives, (2) spontaneous events, (3) resultative-statives, (4) potentials, (5) bodily activities and postures, (6) body states, (7) naturally reciprocals, (8) actions of clothing and body care, and (9) autobenefactives. The semantic range of the suffix -u classifies it as a middle extension. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 23 derives causative mental verbs that reflect a conscious and deliberate act on the part of the causer (phenomenon) and typically require the causer to be a human entity. Example (5)b, on the other hand, depicts a causal sequence in which the participant in subject position (the phenomenon-participant) is inducing or instigating the action but the affected participant in object position, the experiencer, is actually performing the action.15 Semantic features of the phenomenon-participant are crucial in determining the choice of loo-derived causative verbs. A causative clause containing a loo-derived causative verb presumes an unintentional entity as causer, which instigates the action performed by quite a separate agent. Thus the phenomenon-participant as subject of a loo-derived causative is a non-volitional and typically non-human entity, it can even be a ‚fact‘ or ‚metaphenomenon‘ (Halliday 1994:115), i.e., something that is constructed as a participant by projection, as indirect or reported speech. If a ‚fact‘ is construed as the causer/instigator then the loo-causative is the only possible way of rendering the respective situation.16 Such a metaphenomenon can never be the subject of an al-derived causative verb since the latter requires the subject to be an entity endowed with the ability to act. (5)c li nga ma wax daf ma tiit-loo what S2sg O1sg say S3sg O1sg fear-CS:MID:CIRC ‘what you told me made me feel afraid’ but not *li nga ma wax daf ma tiit-al As mentioned above, both causative extensions can usually be attached to a basic mental state verb. Yet, a few mental state verbs, (a) the verb mer ‚be angry‘, (b) the verb ragal ‚be afraid‘, and (c) the verb rus ‚be ashamed‘, can only be combined with the suffix –loo. Here, different techniques are applied in order to express linguistically a sentient and volitionally acting phenomenon-participant. 15 Klaiman (1988:36-38) describes two causative constructions in Greek, an active causative (involving a causer who acts and a causee who is affected) and a catalytic or middle voice causative (the subject catalyzes the action performed by a different agent) which entail the same functional differences as the two causative constructions described above in Wolof. Klaiman puts emphasis on the fact that Greek distinguishes the controller-role (catalyst) from the actor-role and assigns subject status to the former. 16 When I was eliciting emotional expressions from informants in Senegal and Gambia and insisted on an overt expression of a nominal participant in loo-derived causative clauses, the informants frequently offered me clauses like afeeram daf ma kontaanloo ‚his/her matters made me feel happy‘ in which the phenomenonparticipant is an unspecified noun afeer ‚matter‘. HAAP 2 (2003) 24 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof (a) As regards the one-place verb mer ‚be angry‘ the phenomenon-participant cannot be construed as the causer argument of a causative construction. In order to introduce a volitional/human phenomenon-participant the mental state verb is transformed into a twoplace mental activity verb with the valence-increasing suffix –e, thus permitting a human phenomenon-participant to appear as the object of the derived verb. (6)a dafa mer S3sg be.angry (6)b ‚she is angry‘ mer-e nga ma be.angry-VIN S2sg O1sg ‚you are angry with me‘ (b) The verb ragal ‚be afraid‘17 has two readings, an intransitive and a transitive one. It can syntactically function as a mental state verb and it can also function as a mental activity verb. The mental process is then conceptualized as being extended or directed to another participant. (7)a dafa ragal S3sg be.afraid ‚she is afraid‘ (7b) ragal naa ko be.afraid S1sg O3sg ‚I fear him/her/it‘ A derived mental state verb raglu ‚be scary‘ which is formed with the middle suffix –u (ragal-u > raglu) also exists. The one-place middle verb encodes the phenomenon-participant in subject position and leaves the experiencer-participant unexpressed. Here, the middle suffix marks the affectedness of an argument that is not overtly expressed. (c) The emotion SHAME is congruently rendered with the labeling one-place verb rus ‚be ashamed‘. It can be extended with the causative suffix –loo but not with the causative suffix –al and it cannot be transformed into a two-place verb by derivational processes. For that reason, Wolof makes use of a metaphorical form to express an intentionally induced feeling of shame. Experiencer-oriented congruent rendering of SHAME (8)a dafa rus S3sg be.ashamed ‚she is ashamed‘ 17 The verb ragal ‚to be afraid‘ looks like a derived verb consisting of a base rag- and the derivational affix –al yet, a verbal root *rag is not attested in Wolof, hence, the form ragal has to be considered a basic verb. HAAP 2 (2003) 25 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof Phenomenon-oriented rendering of SHAME, non-volitionally induced: (8)b daf ma rusloo S3sg O1sg be.ashamed-CS:MID:VAIN ‚it made me feel ashamed‘ Phenomenon-oriented rendering of SHAME, volitionally induced by a human entity: (8)c jabar-am moo ko tek gàcce wife-POSS3sg S3sg O3sg put shame ‚his wife put shame on him‘ The linguistic renderings of the emotion SHAME illustrate the importance of the conceptual differentiation between a volitionally and a non-volitionally induced feeling of shame which gets linguistically encoded. When the mental process is unintentionally obtained then a causative verb is formed from the mental state verb rus with the suffix –loo. When, on the other hand, the phenomenon-participant is a human entity, intending to bring about the respective mental process and thus acting with volition, the situation can only be rendered linguistically with a metaphoric expression including the material verb tek ‚to put on‘ and the experitum noun gàcce ‚shame‘. Two other experiencer-oriented figurative expressions are probably inspired by the metaphoric use of the verb tek ‚to put on‘. (8)d gàcce boobu mun-u-ma ko een-u shame DEM O3sg carry.on.head-MID can-NEG-1sg ‚I can not carry that shame on my head‘ (8)e du-ma jél gàcce gi IMV:NEG-1sg take shame DET ‚I do not take the shame‘ Experiencer-oriented metaphoric expressions are usually construed as relational processes highlighting the stativity of the emotional situation and depicting the experiencer as a rather inactive participant in the respective process (compare 3.5.2). Example (8)d and (8)e are exceptions to this general pattern, which render the experiencer as a participant who actively and volitionally refuses to take on him/herself the negatively evaluated feeling of shame. HAAP 2 (2003) 26 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 3.2.3 Basic experiencer-object- verbs Wolof has a number of non-extended experiencer-object-verbs (gétin ‚to bother, to worry‘, waar ‚to surprise‘, bett ‚to surprise‘, neex ‚be sweet, to please‘, and others), i.e. verbs that require the phenomenon-participant to be the subject and the experiencer-participant to be the object of the respective clause. The list given below illustrates that some of these verbs serve as a derivational base to form experiencer-subject verbs. Some, however, function exclusively as experiencer-object verbs. SURPRISE experiencer-object verb daf ma waar experiencer-subject verb dama waar-u S3sg S1sg O1sg surprise surprise-MID ‚it surprised me‘ ‚I am surprised‘ daf ma bett no experiencer-subject verb S3sg O1sg surprise ‚it surprised me‘ WORRY daf ma jaaxal dama jaaxl-e S3sg O1sg worry S1sg worry-VRE ‚it worries me‘ ‚I am worried‘ daf ma gétin no experiencer-subject verb S3sg O1sg bother ‚it bothered me‘ Experiencer-subject verbs are formed either with the suffix –u (as in waaru ‚be surprised‘ from the base verb waar ‚to surprise‘) which signals an affectedness of the verb’s subject by the verbal action or with the suffix –e (as in jaaxle ‚be worried‘ from the base verb jaaxal18 ’to worry‘) whose function it is to reduce the valence of the verb for one argument. Exceptional as to what has been demonstrated so far is the rendering of the emotional sub domain PLEASING. It is rendered solely by an experiencer-object verb neex ‚to please‘19. 18 The verbal base jaaxal is actually a causative-derived form whose base is no longer attested in modern Wolof: *jaax (?) > jaax-al (to worry). 19 The verb neex has two readings, an intransitive reading (to be sweet) and a transitive reading (to please). HAAP 2 (2003) 27 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof PLEASING (9)a loolu neex na ma that S3sg O1sg please ‚it pleases me‘ The subject of neex cannot be a human entity (see also section 3.4). It is only by means of a metaphoric rendering of the situation that the experiencer-participant can appear as subject of the clause and thus be presented as an active, volitional and controlling participant. (9)b neex-aay gi mu daan def ci moom be.sweet-NZ REL 3sg HAB Pp it/him/her do ‘the happyness which she got from it‘ (lit.: ‚the sweetness that she did in her/him/it‘) The metaphoric experiencer-oriented rendering doesn’t encode the experitum as the predicate of the clause. It appears in nominalized form as the object of a verb taken from the domain of material processes. Metaphor thus serves here the function to highlight aspects of control on part of the experiencer. 3.3 Experiencer-oriented constructions expressing the phenomenon In the previous sections I argued that emotional situations are linguistically rendered in their pragmatically least marked form as either congruent experiencer-oriented constructions leaving the phenomenon-participant unexpressed or metaphorically as body part phrases, which also do not express the phenomenon-participant. Yet some mental state verbs (besides ragal ‚be afraid‘ which has a transitive as well as an intransitive reading and mer ‚be angry‘ whose valence can be increased by derivational means) can appear in congruent constructions which permit the phenomenon to be expressed as an oblique governed by the preposition ci ‚in, at, by‘. The occurrence of an emotional state together with the phenomenon-participant that induced the emotional state is focus-sensitive in Wolof. The choice of focus alters the way in which the event being described is interpreted. a) When a one-place mental state verb is combined with the predicate focus marker, the resulting construction emphasizes that the state expressed in the verb is an attribute of the subject. No external cause is necessarily implied. b) Conversely, when a one-place mental state verb is combined with the completive focus marker, the resulting construction signals that the respective state is the outcome of a preceding event, which has enduring relevance to the reference time. Since the preceding event (the phenomenon in the terminology of experiencer situations) carries implications for the moment of speech (reference time) it can be made explicit. Grammatically it gets coded as HAAP 2 (2003) 28 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof a governed oblique, i.e., as an argument, which is not required by the verb and seen as less structurally attached to it. predicate focus dama kontaan ‚I am happy‘ completive aspect focus kontaan naa ci yow I am happy with you‘ (because of what has happened) dama jaaxle ‚I am worried/I worry‘ jaaxle naa ci lool ‚I worry much about it‘ (because of what has happened) The question arises as to how the difference between the two congruent constructions, either marked for predicate focus or for completive aspect focus, are to be interpreted in cognitive terms. Halliday (1994:121) indicates that there is an overlap between mental processes and relational processes, that is, processes in which a relation is being set up between two terms. The overlap concerns relational clauses of the attributive type in which the attribute denotes a quality equivalent to a mental process. In those clauses, the participant to whom the attribute is assigned is equivalent to the Senser (the experiencer-participant in Reh’s terminology) as in English ‚I am glad‘ or ‚I am pleased‘. Halliday interprets these English clauses not as mental processes but as relational processes and hence, as metaphorical expressions of a mental process. If Halliday’s theory is applied to emotional expressions in Wolof, clauses formed in the predicate focus that have so far been analyzed as congruent renderings of emotions have to be reanalyzed as relational processes of the attributive type. This view is corroborated by the fact that (a) the experiencer of an emotional expression in the predicate focus, but never in the completive aspect focus, can sometimes be substituted for a body part term (implying that the quality denoted in the verbal element is now assigned as an attribute to the body part noun) and (b) the body part noun in a body part phrasal can sometimes be replaced by the experiencer-participant thus assigning the quality expressed in the qualitative verb to the experiencer. (a) Body part noun substitutes the experiencer-participant: (10)a dafa PFOC3sg ‚she is happy‘ HAAP 2 (2003) kontaan (10)b suma xol be.happy my heart dafa kontaan PFOC3sg be.happy ‚my heart is happy‘ 29 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof (11)a kontaan be.happy naa ci AFOC Pp yow (11)b *suma xol kontaan naa ci yow you ‘I am happy/satisfied with you’ (b) Experiencer-participant substitutes the body part noun: (12)a suma xol my heart dafa tàng PFOC3sg be.hot ‚my heart is hot‘ (13)a suma xol my heart dafa man gi dafa tàng20 DET PFOC3sg be.hot ‚the man is hot‘ (lit.: ‚the man is angry‘) fééx PFOC3sg be.fresh ‚my heart is fresh‘ (12)b góór (13)b fééx-ag-u-ma daal be.fresh-not.yet-NEG-1sg INTJ ‚I am not yet fresh‘ (lit.: ‚I am not happy‘) Interpreting experiencer-oriented predicate focus constructions as relational processes would imply that metaphoric language use is the unmarked form in Wolof to express emotional situations. Experiencer-oriented predicate focus constructions expressing emotions, which are physically manifested, and body part phrases expressing emotions, which are usually not, yet manifested physically could then be accounted for as instances where metaphorical representation has become the norm and is now the unmarked choice for expressing the situations in question. 3.4 The emotional categories LOVE, HATE, and PITY The linguistic rendering of the emotional sub domains LOVE, HATE, and PITY does not follow the general pattern outlined in the previous sections. The difference relates to the inherent semantics of the verbs encoding the above-mentioned emotions in congruent expressions. The respective verbs are not mental state verbs but mental activity verbs. The emotional situation is thus not conceptualized as a mental state but as a mental activity. Mental activity verbs are two-place verbs requiring both arguments, the experiencer in subject position and the phenomenon-participant in object position, to be linguistically expressed. The semantically related emotions LOVE and HATE are, in their pragmatically least marked form, encoded with the verb bëgg ‚to want‘. This verb actually belongs to the experiential 20 In one expression that I elicited from an informant the quality verb of the congruent expression was replaced by a nominal element saxaar ‚smoke‘ which was used as a verbal element in this position: góór gi dafa saxaar ‚the man is angry‘ (lit.: ‚the man smoked‘) HAAP 2 (2003) 30 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof domain VOLITION – hence, metonymy is involved. In an affirmative clause bëgg refers to LOVE, in a negated clause bëgg encodes HATE. LOVE (14) dama bëgg jigéén jii S1sg woman DEM want ‚I love this woman‘ HATE (15) bëgg-u-ma jigéén jii want-NEG-1sg woman DEM ‚I do not like this woman‘ In order to denote an emotional situation the object of bëgg (the phenomenon-participant) has to be a human entity. A non-human entity triggers the basic meaning of bëgg ‚to want‘. There are other labeling verbs denoting LOVE and HATE. In regard to LOVE these verbs express different aspects of the respective emotion as demonstrated in table (4): dama bëgg jigéén jii dama nob jigéén jii dama sopp jigéén jii ‚I love this woman‘ (general love) ‚I love this woman‘ (romantic love) ‚I love this woman‘ (venerating love) Table (4): Different aspects of the emotion LOVE. In regard to (5). HATE these verbs express different shades of intensity as demonstrated in table bëgguma jigéén jii dama bañ jigéén jii dama jéppi jigéén jii ‚I do not like this woman‘ ‚I reject/refuse this woman‘ ‚I hate and despise this woman‘ Table (5): Different shades of intensity in regard to the emotion HATE. As I mentioned above, mental activity verbs encoding LOVE and HATE require the phenomenon-participant to be a human entity. When a speaker directs the emotions LOVE or HATE to a non-human entity, a phenomenonoriented clause containing the verb neex ITR: ‚be sweet, TR: ‚to please‘ is the only possible rendering. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 31 PLEASING: phenomenon-oriented: (16)a daf ma neex S3sg O1sg please ‚it pleases me‘ In this construction the experiencer gets encoded in object position. She is seen as somebody who is not in control over the situation expressed. The only possible experiencer-oriented rendering of the above mentioned situation is a metaphorical representation, which expresses the experitum with the material process verb def ‚to do, to perform‘ and an experitum-noun derived from the respective experiencer verb neex ‚be sweet‘. PLEASING: experiencer-oriented: (16)b dama def neex-aay S1sg do be.sweet-NZ ci loolu Pp that ‚I am pleased by that‘ (lit.: ‚I do sweetness in that‘) In section 3.1. Body part phrases have been described and analyzed as corresponding to congruent expressions that include mental state verbs. No body part phrasals are attested regarding LOVE and HATE, two emotional situations, which are encoded by mental activity verbs. The emotional category PITY is also conceptualized as a mental activity and congruently rendered with mental activity verbs. (17)a dama-y S3sg-IMV yërëm jigéén ji pity woman DET ‚I feel pity for the woman‘ (17)b dama la-y yég S1sg feel O2sg-IMV ‚I feel pity for you‘ Example (17)b includes the verb yég ‚to feel‘, an unspecified perception verb which gets metonymically expanded in order to refer to an emotional category. HAAP 2 (2003) 32 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof A mental state verb can be formed from the mental activity verb yërëm with the suffix –aate, a complex derivational extension comprising the suffixes –aat (repetitiv) and –e (valencereducing). (17)c dafa yërëmaate ‚she is compassionate; she is a soft touch‘ A body part phrasal, not of the attributive but of the anthropomorphistic type, including as metaphorical agent the body part term yaram ‚body‘ and a verb of locomotion daw ‚to run‘ is also attested: (17)d suma yaram daw my body run na ndik moom S3sg because.of him/her ‚I feel pity for him/her‘ The body part clause varies from the respective congruent expression (17)a with regard to whether the experiencer is seen as somebody who has control over the situation expressed (a connotation present in the congruent rendering as a transitive clause) or whether she is seen as somebody who rather involuntarily experiences the respective emotion (a connotation present in the body part expression). Yet, both expression types depict the emotional situation in question not as a mental state but as a mental activity. The phenomenon-participant of the body part term can be shifted to subject position, assigning object position to the body part noun and the experiencer-participant who is coreferential with the possessive attribute of the respective body part. (17)e bataaxal letter yi daw21 nañu suñu DET run S3pl yaram Poss1pl body ‚the letters aroused our sympathy‘ (lit.: ‚the letters run our body‘) The choice of a phenomenon-oriented body part phrasal indicates that the experiencer is conceptualized as a completely inactive participant with no control over the event expressed. 21 The verb daw is basically an intransitive verb of locomotion, which cannot function as a transitive verb. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 33 3.5 Further metaphorical renderings of emotional situations Apart from body part phrases (encoding the body part term as subject or object of the respective clause) whose functions have been described in the previous sections there are a number of further metaphorical renderings of emotional situations which modify one or more of the semantic and pragmatic features of the pragmatically least marked forms. Metaphorical representations are almost exclusively of two types. The first category comprises experitum-oriented metaphorical renderings that depict the experiencer as a completely inactive participant who is not responsible for the mental experience. She or he is rather conceptualized as the victim of the emotion. The second category comprises experiencer-oriented renderings that depict the emotional experience as a relational process, usually of the possessive type. There is a third category of metaphorical renderings which serves expressive functions of communication, a type of metaphorical expression which is also used in other domains of mental experience serving the same function. In these expressions the predicate is formed with a verb of saying and an onomatopoetic lexeme. 3.5.1 Experitum-oriented metaphorical renderings The experitum within an emotional expression may be encoded by a nominal lexeme, a socalled experitum noun and thus be presented as a participant of the respective event. Such experitum nouns are usually derived from the respective emotion verbs. The predicative relation between the nominally expressed emotion and the experiencer-participant is established by means of a verb taken from the domain of physical processes. Since the resulting expressions refer to emotional situations and not to physical processes metaphor is involved. The metaphor type is that of personification. The nominally encoded emotion is treated as the agent and combined with a verb taken from the domain of material processes. The experiencer-participant appears as the object of the respective material verb and hence as a participant lacking control over the situation. Table (6) presents an overview of experitum-oriented metaphorical renderings of emotional situations. HAAP 2 (2003) 34 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof tiit-aange moo ko jàpp fear-NZ S3sg O3sg catch ‚fear seized him‘ jaaxle dugg ko nak worry O3sg INTJ gàcce gi war ko dal shame DET must O3sg come.down fiir-aange moo ko jàpp jealous-NZ S3sg O3sg seize añaan moo ko téyé jealousy S3sg O3sg hold enter mer moo ma téyé anger S3sg O1sg hold mer moo ma jàpp anger S3sg O1sg seize m-bett-eel gee ‚worry entered him/her‘ ‚shame must come upon him/her‘ ‚jealousy seized him/her‘ ‚jealousy held him/her‘ ‚anger held me‘ ‚anger seized me‘ ko jàpp NZ-surprise-NZ DET:3sg O3sg seize m-bëgg-al moo ma jàpp NZ-want-NZ S3sg O1sg seize m-bañ-eel moo ko laal NZ-hate-NZ S3sg O3sg touch ‚surprise seized him/her‘ ‚love seized me‘ ‚hate touched him/her‘ Table (6): Experitum-oriented mentaphorical renderings of emotional situations. All examples in table (6) present the experiencer as being seized, hold, entered or touched by the respective emotion. The experiencer cannot help but experience the situation. Any connotations of control over the situation on part of the experiencer are erased when a speaker of Wolof chooses this linguistic encoding. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 35 Two experitum-oriented metaphoric expressions in the Wolof-data which I analyzed deviate from the general pattern outlined above in table (6) in so far as the experiencer in object position is replaced by a body part noun. (18) n-kañaan di lekk nile sa xol NZ-be.jealous IMV eat thus POSS2sg heart ‚jealousy eats thus your heart‘ (19) tiit-aange roofu ci siddit-am fear-NZ push vene-POSS3sg Pp ‚Fear pushed in his/her venes‘ In these expressions the experiencer is rendered as the possessive attribute of a body part term in object position. Her/his role as a victim of the emotion is thus even further emphasized as compared to a realization as (direct) object of a material verb as illustrated in table (6). In another experitum-oriented construction type the emotion has also been turned into a participant but the predicative relationship is established with the stative verb nekk ‚be, to become‘. (20) nob-al moo nekk ci man love-NZ S3sg be Pp me ‚love is on/in me‘ (21) tiit-aange moo nekk ci man fear-NZ S3sg be Pp me ‚fear is on/in me‘ According to the verbal element, these constructions are not grounded in the causation schema but express a relational process. The relational process is of the circumstantial type.22 A feature of place relates two entities. The experiencer-participant, grammatically encoded as an oblique argument in a prepositional phrase, is linked into the process via the preposition ci ‚in/at/by‘ and thus conceptualized as an ‚indirect‘ participant, not actively involved in the process. 22 In a relational process of the circumstantial type (Halliday 1994:130) ”one entity is related to another by a feature of time, place, manner, cause, accompaniment, role, matter or angle.” HAAP 2 (2003) 36 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof The expressions (20) and (21) can also be thought of as a subcategory of possessive constructions, a type of metaphorical language use which will be discussed in the following section. 3.5.2 Possessive copula constructions Possessive copula constructions are a subtype of relational processes. In possessive relations (Halliday 1994:132) ”the relationship between the two terms is one of ownership: one entity possesses another.” The use of this type of relational process in metaphoric language is a widespread strategy in Wolof to render experiencer-oriented expressions but avoiding to construe the experiencer as an active, volitional participant, a connotation often present when the experiencer gets coded in subject position and thus as the topic of the clause. Table (6) provides some examples in which the emotional experience is rendered as a relational process of the possessive type. FEAR di-na tax ñu am tiit-aange IMV-S3sg cause S1sg have fear-NZ ‚it will cause (that) we have fear‘ SURPRISE am naa tey m-bett have S1sg today NZ-surprise ‚I am surprised today‘ GRIEF am naa naqar have S1sg bitterness ‚I have bitterness‘ JOY am naa ba-neex ci li nga ma wax have S1sg NZ-sweet Pp what S2sg O1sg talk ‚I feel happyness about what you told me‘ SHAME am na gàcce ci li doom-am have S3sg shame Pp what child-POSS3sg stomach ‚she is ashamed because her/his child is pregnant‘ HAAP 2 (2003) biir J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof PITY am na yërm-ande ci man23 have S3sg pity-NZ Pp me 37 ‚she has pity with me‘ PITY am na yég ci have S3sg feeling Pp nit yi human.being DET ‚she has pity with me‘ PITY dafa am xol S3sg have heart ‚she has pity‘ (lit.: she has heart‘) Table (7): Possessive copula constructions rendering emotional situations. The possessive relations are of the attributive type. Ownership is an attribute being ascribed to the experiencer-participant. The experiencer is conceptualized as owning an emotion. Thus, the experitum is not expressed in the predicate but appears in nominalized form, usually derived from the respective emotion verb, as the object of the verb am ‚to have‘. In the last example of table (7) the body part xol ‚heart‘ expresses the experitum and substitutes the experitum noun yërmande ‚pity‘. In a subgroup of possessive constructions, what is possessed by the experiencer is not expressed by means of a nominalized experitum noun but is referred to as an abstract matter, which instigates a certain emotional state, and which gets further specified by a relative clause. This relative clause contains a causative mental verb: the abstract matter induces a certain mental state in regard to the experiencer, which gets coded as the object of the causative verb. GRIEF (22) am naa lu ma naqar-i have S1sg what O1sg bitterness-VZ I have something which made me feel bitter‘ 23 The possessive construction of the experience PITY is negated with the verb ñakk ‚to lack, to need to have‘ and not with a negated form of the verb am ‚to have‘: dafa ñakk yërmande ‚s/he has no compassion‘ as against GRIEF amul naqar ‚s/he has not bitterness‘. Thus, Wolof-speakers differentiate between a lack of a desirable emotional state, one worth striving for and the absence of an undesired and negatively evaluated emotional feeling. HAAP 2 (2003) 38 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof WORRY (23) am naa lu ma gétin suma xel have S1sg what O1sg bother POSS1sg mind ‚I have something which worries my mind‘ This metaphoric construction type is only attested for the emotional domains WORRY. GRIEF and There are a number of further experiencer-oriented metaphorical representations of emotional situations. In these expressions the experitum is again rendered in nominalized form yet, it is not related to the experiencer in possessive terms but rather by a feature of accompaniment or place. (24) dangeen ànd ak m-bég-te bi S2pl accompany with NZ-joy-NZ DET ‚you have the joy‘ (lit.: ‚you go with the joy‘) (25) yow yaa deseek gàcce gi you S2sg remain:with shame DET ‚you remain with the shame‘ (26) dañu nekk-ali ci jaaxle googu S3pl Pp worry be-DUR DEM ‚they are in that worry‘ Relational processes generally emphasize the stativity of the event expressed. The experiencer is not conceptualized as performing a mental activity but as having or being with/in a certain emotion. Thus experiencer-oriented renderings of emotions are generally encoded as stative expression, whether they are congruent expressions or metaphorical ones, or body part phrases in which a body part term substitutes the experiencer in subject position. Dynamic expressions of emotional situations usually encode the phenomenon-participant in subject position, as causer or instigator of a mental process or they encode a nominalized experitum as subject of the clause which undertakes some kind of action in order to ‚take hold‘ of the experiencer. HAAP 2 (2003) 39 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 3.5.3 Ideophonic expressions The last section describes a very expressive metaphorical rendering of experiential situations, which is not restricted to emotional expressions. It is a widespread strategy peculiar to Wolof, serving communicative functions of discourse. The experitum is rendered by a combination of the verb of speech ne ‚to say‘ and an onomatopoetic element. Subject position is usually assigned to the experiencer-participant but can also be assigned to a body part noun replacing the experiencer as illustrated below: FEAR mungi-y ne ñogg ci biir neeg-am S3sg-IMV say ñogg stomach room-POSS3sg Pp ‚she is afraid in his/her room‘ FEAR suma fit ne xëyy POSS1sg spirit say xëyy ‚I am afraid‘ (lit.: ‚my spirit said xëyy‘) SHAME dafa ne yomm S3sg say yomm ‚she is ashamed‘ SURPRISE mu ne cee S3sg say cee she is ashamed‘ 4 Non-emotional mental experiences in Wolof Non-emotional mental experiences comprise the categories COGNITION (subcategories: KNOWING, UNDERSTANDING, REMEMBERING, FORGETTIING, RECONITION, REALIZATION), CONCEPTION (subcategories: THINKING, BELIEVING/TRUSTING, ASSUMING, DOUBTING), VOLITION (subcategories: WANTING, NEEDING, ENVY), and PERCEPTION (subcategories: SEEING, HEARING, SMELLING)24. 24 Definitions for cognitive, conceptual and perceptive experience are given in Horie (1985:40). HAAP 2 (2003) 40 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 4.1 Congruent expressions of non-emotional mental experience Non-emotional mental experiences (i.e., cognitive, conceptual, desiderative and perceptual experiences) are predominantly rendered in congruent expressions by two-argument verbs in their pragmatically least marked form. In these constructions the experiencer-participant and the phenomenon-participant are usually grammatically expressed as subject and object of the clause respectively. Thus, the respective experiences are not conceptualized as mental states – as it has been the case for emotional experiences – but as mental activities. The experiencerparticipant is perceived as an active, volitional participant with some degree of control over the mental act that she or he performs. KNOWING (27) xam naa loolu/kooku25 know S1sg that thing/that person I know it/him/her THINKING (28) mu ngi-y xalaat Aida PROG-IMV think Aida ‚I think of Aida‘ WANTING (29) dañu bëgg seen xaalis S3pl O3pl money want ‚they want their money‘ SEEING (30) dama gis guy S1sg baobab DET see gii ‚I saw the baobab-tree‘ Congruent expressions comprise labeling, derived and metonymically expanded expressions. Some non-emotional mental experiences can only be encoded congruently by derived verbs as illustrated for the cognitive experience REMEMBERING: 25 As English, Wolof does not differentiate between acquaintancee knowledge (German: ‚kennen‘, French: ‚connaître‘) and factual discourse knowledge (German: ‚wissen‘, French: ‚savoir‘). HAAP 2 (2003) 41 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof REMEMBERING (31) fattaleeku naa benn jamano forget:REV:MID S1sg one time ‚I remember a time ...‘ Other situations, however, possess various labeling references. In this case, one is usually more basic whereas the others include further semantic features. RECOGNITION (32)a xàmme recognize naa ko S1sg O3sg ‚I recognized him/her‘ (32)b raññe distinguish naa ko ci xale yi S1sg O3sg Pp child DET ‚I recognized him/her amongst the children‘ (32)c nemmeeku recognize naa fa S1sg there ‚I recognized [the place] there‘ Some situations can only be rendered by metonymically expanded or metaphorical expressions. In this case, the relevant verb pertains either to another experiential sub domain (metonymy) or it denotes a material process (metaphor). REALIZATION (33)a mu S3sg nettali ni mu yég-e biir-u doom ji explain how S3sg feel-CIRC stomach-GEN child DET ‚she explained how she realized the pregnancy of the child‘ (33)b Maram seet-l-u Maram ne regard-CS-MID that mu ngi mat-si jànq S3sg womanhood reach-VEN Maram realized that she came to reach womanhood‘ (33)c ma S1sg gis ne dama-y am problem see that S1sg-IMV have problem ‚I realized that I will have a problem‘ HAAP 2 (2003) 42 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof (33)d soo dem-ee dinga xam ne go-PV FUT:2sg know that if:S2sg ‚if you go you will realize that ....‘ UNDERSTANDING (34)a dégg26 nga Wolof hear Wolof S2sg ‚do you understand Wolof‘ (34)b maa ngi S1sg soog-a xam li ngeen bëgg begin-PART know what S2pl want ‚I begin to understand what you want‘ (34)c gis nga su-ñ ñów-ee sa kër27 see S2sg if-S1pl come-PV your compound you understand, if we come to your compound ...‘ (34)d jàpp nga boobu catch S2sg that ‚did you understand that‘ (34)e jél-i take-ITIV nga ma S2sg O1sg ‚did you understand me‘ The majority of non-emotional mental experiences, however, can be rendered by labeling or metonymically expanded verbs and by metaphorical expressions. ASSUMING (35)a foog naa assume S1sg ne danga caaxaan that S2sg make.fun ‚I assumed that you were just joking‘ (35)b dafa S3sg yaakaar ne ñun ay American lañu assume/hope that we DET American S3pl ‚she assumed that we are Americans‘ 26 When dégg ‚to hear‘ refers to a perceptual activity it encodes a graduel-telic situation. When it refers to a cognitive activity (‚to understand‘) it encodes an inchoative-stative situation. 27 In sentence (33)c gis ‚to see‘ functions as a discourse marker. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof (35)c dafa S3sg teg-oon ne dee nañu put-PAST that die S3pl 43 ‚she assumed that they had died‘ HEARING (36)a dégg hear naa ko S1sg O3sg ‚I heard it‘ (36)b dég-l-u naa hear-VINC-MID S1sg radio bi radio DET ‚I listened to the radio‘ (36)c yég-u-leen feel-NEG-2pl ne président da-y ganale that president S3sg-IMV invite ‚didn’t you hear that the president iinvites [for dinner]‘ (36)d gëj long.time.not naa ko jàpp S1sg O3sg catch ‚I didn’t hear from him/her for a long time‘ Sentence (36)a implies that the knowledge is due to direct perception whereas (36)c and (36)d indicate that the perceptual information is hearsay rather than knowledge. The experiential verbs gum and yaakaar are ambiguous between two conceptual readings. They may either encode the experience BELIEVING/TRUSTING or the experience ASSUMING. Which of the possible readings is triggered depends on whether the verb’s complement (i.e. the phenomenon-participant) is a nominal group or a subordinated verbal clause. BELIEVING/TRUSTING (37)a gum naa la believe S1sg O2sg ‘I believe you’ ASSUMING (37)b gum naa ne yaa ko def believe S1sg that S2sg O3sg to.do ‘I think/assume that you did it’ HAAP 2 (2003) 44 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof BELIEVING/TRUSTING (38)a dama ko yaakaar S1sg O3sg trust ‘I trust him/her’ ASSUMING (38)b yaakaar-u-ma ne dina trust-NEG-1sg that FUT:3sg ‘I don’t think/assume that she will agree’ nangu agree Throughout the examples given the experiencer-participant is encoded in subject position and thus conceptualized as an active, volitional participant with some degree of control. The perceptive experience SMELLING, the desiderative experience NEEDING and the conceptual experience TRUSTING figure as exceptions in the general encoding of non-emotional mental experiences. They are congruently encoded by experiencer-object verbs, i.e., experiential verbs that assign subject position to the phenomenon-participant. NEEDING (39) lu ma ko doy-e what O1sg O3sg be.enough-CIRC ‚what do I need it for‘ TRUSTING (40) woor be.sure (image formation implying a high degree of certainty) na ma ne nob na ko S3sg o1sg that love S3sg O3sg lit.: ‚it is certain [to] me that she loves him/her‘ SMELLING (41)a cere couscous ji xeeñ na ma DET smell S3sg O1sg lit.: ‚the couscous smells [to] me‘ In the last examle, an experiencer-subject verb can be derived from the experiencer-object verb xeeñ ‚to smell‘ with the suffixes –at (intensive) and –u (middle). The attachment of the suffix –u triggers a shift of the experiencer, from grammatical object to grammatical subject HAAP 2 (2003) 45 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof position.28 The resulting derived verb xeeñtu implies that the perceptual activity is carried out deliberately and intentionally on part of the experiencer. (41)b xaj dog baa ngi-y xeeñ-t-u rab-u PROG:3sg-IMV smell-INT-MID animal-GEN all yi bush DET ‚the dog scents the wild animals‘ Having laid out the structure of congruent renderings of non-emotional mental experiences I will now move on to analyze the typical patterns of metaphorical expressions. 4.2 Metaphorical expressions of non-emotional mental experiences Metaphorical expressions which serve the purpose to manipulate the renderings of experiential situations with regard to topic selection and experiencer’s control over the situation exist, but they are never of the body part-oriented attributive type, a type which has been extensively documented for descriptive emotional expressions. Another type of metaphorical rendering, experitum-oriented expressions are also not used to encode non-emotional mental experiences although they are amply attested for emotional situations. Figurative expressions encoding non-emotional mental experiences are either body partoriented, phenomenon-oriented or experiencer-oriented. All but the experiencer-oriented expressions reduce the notion of control on part of the experiencer. Experiencer-oriented figurative expressions, on the other hand, either highlight the experiencer’s control over the respective situation, in which case they turn the experitum into a participant of a material process (e.g. tek yaakaar ci ‘put trust/hope in’), or they encode the situation as a possessive relation: the experiencer owns the nominalized experitum. Of interest is the fact that all types of metaphorical renderings mentioned in section 1.2.3 are attested for the conceptual category THINKING and all but the possessive type is also attested for the cognitive categories REMEMBERING and FORGETTING. Apart from these categories that seem to be especially liable to be rendered by metaphorical expressions non-emotional mental experiences can’t be related systematically to certain strategies of metaphoric language use. 28 The same derivational process derives the experiencer-subject verb fattaleeku ‚to remember‘ from the experiencer-object verb fattali ‚to remind‘ which is itself derived from the base verb fatte ‚to forget‘ with the reversive suffix –ali. HAAP 2 (2003) 46 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 4.2.1 Body part oriented figurative expressions Body part-oriented expressions that are only attested for the cognitive experiences REMEMBERING and FORGETTING are of the anthropomorphistic type. The body part xel ‚mind‘ and other participants are related by means of a verb taken from the domain of material processes. REMEMBERING (42)a xel-am mind-his/her dellu ci leeb bi return story DET Pp ‚she remembered the story‘ (lit.: ‚her/his mind returned to the story‘ (42)b xel-am mind-his/her delloo ko Walo return:VINC O3sg Walo ‚she remembered Walo (lit.: ‚his/her mind returned her/him [to] Walo‘) (42)c sama xel daj na ci moom my hit S3sg Pp him/her mind ‚I remembered him/her‘ (lit.: my mind hit on him/her‘) FORGETTING (43) suma xel daj-u ko my hit-NEG:3sg O3sg mind ‚I forgot it‘ (lit.: my mind did not hit [on] it‘) A body part-oriented locative construction is frequently used in reference to the conceptual category THINKING. THINKING (44)a xela-am mind-his/her angi ci kër COP Pp house lit.: ‚her/his mind is on the house‘ (44)b seen their xel ne-wul ci bokk governema mind be.located.NEG:3sg Pp share governmnent ‚lit.: their mind was not on taking part in the government‘ HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 47 4.2.2 Phenomenon-oriented metaphorical expressions Here, subject position is assigned to the phenomenon-participant which or who is usually related to the body part term xel ‚mind‘ by a verb taken from the domain of material processes. The experiencer-participant appears back grounded as the possessor of the respective body part. Metaphorical language use thus serves the purpose to completely remove any notion of control over the situation on part of the experiencer-participant. REMEMBERING (45) dugg na sama xel enter my S3sg mind lit.: ‚it entered my mind‘ FORGETTING (46) génn na sama xel leave S3sg my mind lit.: ‚it left my mind‘ SEEIING (47) ñów na sama bët come S3sg my eye lit.: ‚it came [to] my eye‘ HEARING (48) wax jooju tabbindoo speech DET fall ci nopp-u baay bi Pp ear-GEN father DET lit.:‘ that speech fell into the ear of the father‘ A phenomenon-oriented existential construction is frequently used in reference to the conceptual category THINKING. THINKING (49) moo-y sama xalaat S3sg-IMV my though lit.: ‚this is my thought‘ One last phenomenon-oriented relational strategy of the locative type is also attested for the category THINKING. HAAP 2 (2003) 48 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof THINKING (50) nen a nekk ci sama xel egg FOC be.located Pp POSS1sg mind ‘I think of eggs’ 4.2.3 Experiencer-oriented metaphorical expressions As I mentioned earlier, experiencer-oriented figurative expressions either highlight the experiencer as an active, volitional and controlling participant or, on the contrary, they background the experiencer by rendering the experiential situation in terms of a possessive relation, presenting the experiencer-participant either as the owner of either the nominalized experitum or the body part xel ‚mind‘ A minor type of experiencer-oriented metaphorical renderings are onomatopoetic expressions, a category which I already mentioned in reference to metaphorical emotional expressions (see section 3.6) 4.2.3.1 Experiencer-participant‘s active engagement is highlighted REMEMBERING (51)a mu S3sg jublu démb turn yesterday ‚she remembered the past‘ (51)b mu S3sg janook yar bi mu ..... face:with education REL S3sg ‚she remembered the education which she ....‘ FORGETTING (52) dama ko bayyi gànnaaw S1sg leave O3sg back ‚I forgot it‘ THINKING (53)a xalaat yi thought REL Maram di def Maram IMV do ‚what Maram thinks ...‘ HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof (53)b nga jox-e OBL2sg give-VRE sa xalaat POSS2sg thought 49 ‘say what you think’ (lit.: ‘give out your thought!’) WANTING (54) fas naa yééné tukki knot S1sg wish travel ‚I wanted to travel‘ SEEING (55) dama teg bët njaaxum ba fa am S1sg eye disaster REL there have put ‚I looked at the disaster which happened there‘ 4.2.3.2 Possessive copula constructions TRUSTING (56) am naa yaakaar ci moom have S1sg trust/hope Pp him/her ‚I trust her/him‘ THINKING (57) am naa ci xel torop have S1sg Pp mind very ‚I think a lot about it‘ NEEDING (58) am naa soxla ci yow have S1sg need Pp you am-u-ñu benn bëgg-bëgg have-NEG-3pl one wish ‚I need you‘ WANTING (59) ‚they have no wish‘ HAAP 2 (2003) 50 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof DOUBTING (60)a am have naa ci ñaari xel S1sg Pp two mind ‚I doubt it‘ (lit.: ‚I have two minds about it‘) The last example (60)a is the only possible construction to render unambiguously the conceptual experience DOUBTING. Informants, however, frequently negated the conceptual verbs foog ‚to assume‘ or xalaat ‚to think‘ in order to express the concept DOUBT. DOUBTING (60)b foog-u-ma ko-woon assume-NEG-1sg O3sg-PAST ‚I doubt it‘ (lit.: ‚I don’t assume it‘) (60)c xalaat-u-ma ko think-NEG-1sg O3sg ‚I doubt it‘ (lit.: ‚I don’t think it‘) 4.2.3.3 Onomatopoetic expressions Onomatopoetic expressions are constructions in which the predicate consists of a verb of saying ne ‚to say‘ and an onomatopoetic lexeme. They serve expressive discourse functions and are thus pragmatically highly marked (see also section 3.6). THINKING (61) mu ne yunn ci neeg bi S3sg say yunn Pp room DET ‚she looked into the room‘ 5 Inner physical experience Inner physical experience comprises experiences such as HUNGRY, BEING SICK and BEING PREGNANT. PAINING, FEELING COLD/HOT, BEING 5.1 Congruent renderings of inner physical experience Situations depicting inner physical experience are linguistically rendered in their pragmatically least marked form by one-argument verbs that encode the event expressed in HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 51 the predicate as an internal physical state. In this respect they resemble emotional experiences that are also typically rendered in their pragmatically least marked form by mental state verbs, one-argument verbs that encode only the subject-participant. FEELING COLD (62)a dama liw S1sg feel.cold ‚I feel cold‘ (62)b dama sedd S1sg be.cold ‚I am cold‘ FEELING HOT (63) dama tàng29 S1sg be.hot ‚I am hot‘ FEELING HUNGRY (64) dama xiif S1sg be.hungry ‚I am hungry‘ BEING SICK (65) dama feebaar S1sg be.sick ‚I am sick‘ It requires a causative verb to express that the internal physical state is triggered by some external cause. The external cause is then grammatically encoded as the subject of the clause and the experiencer-participant is shifted to object position. In order to derive a causative verb, the physical state verb is typically extended with the middle causative –loo (see also section 3.2.2 on emotional experiences). Such loo-derived causative verbs presume an unintentional entity as causer, which instigates the verbalized action. The action itself is actually performed by quite a separate entity (the experiencer-participant). 29 The expressions dama tàng ‚I feel hot‘ as well as dama sedd ‚I feel cold‘ are ambiguous between designating an internal physical experience (literal meaning) and an emotional experience (metonymically expanded meaning: ‚to be angry‘, ‚to be happy‘). HAAP 2 (2003) 52 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof BEING HUNGRY (66) daf ma dee xiif-loo S3sg O1sg HAB be.hungry-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it makes me feel hungry‘ FEELING COLD (67) daf ma dee liw-loo S3sg O.1sg HAB feel.cold-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it makes me feel cold‘ FEELING HOT (68) daf ma dee tàng-loo S3sg O1sg HAB be.hot-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it makes me feel hot‘ ~ ‚it makes me feel angry‘ BEING SICK (69) daf ma dee feebaar-loo S3sg O1sg HAB be.sick-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it makes me feel sick‘ The encoding of the physical condition PREGNANCY follows the same pattern, but Wolof lacks a labeling expression to refer to it. Two metonymically expanded expressions are usually employed to denote PREGNANCY. One contains the two-argument verb ëmb ‚to bundle up‘ which has an intransitive reading when it is applied to PREGNANCY. The second contains the noun biir ‚stomach‘ in predicate position. BEING PREGNANT (70)a dafa S3sg ëmb bundle.up ‚she is pregnant‘ (70)b dafa S3sg biir stomach ‚she is pregnant‘ As regards the physical condition PREGNANCY, a loo-derived phenomenon-oriented construction *biirloo ‚to make pregnant‘ is not permissible since the causer can’t be conceptualized as an unintentional entity. Instead, the direct al-derived causative (see section HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 53 3.2.1 on emotional experiences), which implies a consciously and deliberately acting causer, is applied. (70)c daf S3sg ko biir-al O3sg stomach-CS ‚he made her pregnant‘ The encoding of the internal physical experience PAIN deviates from the above given pattern. In congruent renderings the experitum is encoded in the predicate. Subject position, however, is neither assigned to the experiencer-participant nor to any other conceptual element outlined in Reh’s model of experiential situations but to the locus of the pain. FEELING PAIN (71)a sama biir daf ma-y metti my S3sg O1sg-IMV pain stomach ‚my stomach pains me‘ The experiencer-participant is indexed twice, as the possessor of the body part and as the grammatical object. The indexation in object position, however, is optional. (71)b sama biir my stomach dafa-y metti S3sg-IMV pain ‚my stomach pains‘ 5.2 Experitum-oriented renderings of inner physical experience Experitum-oriented metaphorical renderings depict the experiencer-participant as a completely inactive participant who is not responsible for the physical condition she or he experiences. He of she is presented as being seized, hold, come upon or attacked by the respective internal physical condition. Here again, the metaphorical codification strategy resembles the one applied to situations of emotional experience, where the experiencerparticipant is construed as the victim of the respective emotion (see 3.5.1). FEELING PAIN (72) mettit wee ko jàpp pain O3sg seize DET-FOC ‚pain seized me‘ HAAP 2 (2003) 54 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof FEELING HUNGRY (73) xiif moo hunger S3sg ma téyé O1sg hold ‚hunger holds me‘ BEING SICK (74)a feebaar sickness bi moo ma dal DET S3sg O1sg come.upon ‚the sickness came upon me‘ (74)b feebaar sickness bi moo ko jot DET S3sg O3sg afflict ‚the sickness afflicted him/her‘ (74)c feebaar sickness bi moo ma jàpp DET S3sg O1sg seize ‚the sickness seized me‘ (74)d jàngoro illness ji song na ko DET attack S3sg Osg ‚the illness attacked him/her‘ 5.3 Experiencer-oriented metaphorical expressions Experiencer-oriented figurative renderings in the domain of inner physical experience are typically specifying expressions. The only exception is the internal physical experience PAIN that can be rendered in terms of a possessive relation, presenting the experiencer-participant as the owner of a paining body part or in terms of a circumstantial relation of accompaniment. 5.2.1 Specifiying expressions In specifying expressions the predicate is made up of an unspecific perception verb yég ‚to feel‘ which indicates the general semantic area (i.e. experiencer situations). The experiencer situation is then further specified by the direct object of this perceptual verb that denotes the specific experitum. HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 55 PAIN (75) dinga yég mettit FUT:2sg feel pain ‚you will feel pain‘ FEELING COLD (76) dama-y yég sedd S1sg-IMV feel coldness ‚I feel cold‘ FEELING HUNGRY (77) dama-y yég xiif S1sg-IMV feel hunger ‚I feel hungry‘ 5.2.2 Possessive copula constructions Although possessive copula constructions are a widespread strategy in Wolof to render experiencer-oriented experiential situations but avoiding to construe the experiencerparticipant as an active volitional participant, this strategy is exemplified only once in the data on internal physical experience. BEING SICK (78) dama am mettit-u biir S1sg pain-GEN stomach have ‚I have stomach trouble‘ 5.2.3 Circumstantial relation of accompaniment Instead of rendering the situation SICKNESS in terms of a possessive relation, it is also common to construe the experiencer-participant as being involved in a circumstantial relation. BEING SICK (79) dafa ànd S3sg accompany ‚she has a cough‘ ak with jàngoro illness sëqët coughing HAAP 2 (2003) 56 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 6 Summary The preceding chapters proved that metaphorical renderings of experiential situations reflect the systematic differences discovered in congruently rendered situations of the same type. Emotional and inner physical experiences are typically encoded congruently by one-argument verbs that indicate an emotional or internal physical state. Non-emotional mental experiences, on the other hand, are usually rendered by two-argument verbs, the so-called mental activity verbs, which depict the respective situation as a mental activity. Metaphorical renderings exhibit the same distinction regarding the overt representation of experiencer- and phenomenon-participant. Additionally, emotional and inner physical experiences are frequently expressed metaphorically by experitum-oriented expressions, which depict the experiencer-participant as a victim of the emotion or the physical condition respectively. Non-emotional mental experiences, on the other hand, are not rendered metaphorically by experitum-oriented constructions. They show a wide range of body part-, phenomenon- or experiencer-oriented figurative renderings, typically construing the situation as a mental activity but either back grounding the experiencer-participant by assigning subject-position to another conceptual entity or highlighting the experiencer’s control over the situation when retaining him/her in subject position. One metaphorical strategy, however, is applied to all three (emotional, mental, inner physical) types of experiential situations. Possessive copula constructions encode the experiencerparticipant in subject position (obviously the most preferred grammatical position for this participant). At the same time they avoid to construe the experiencer as an active, volitional participant. HAAP 2 (2003) 57 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof Appendix I: Experiencer-constructions in Wolof listed according to experiential domains. Experiential domains EMO: ANGER Experiential expressions Orient. Strategy dafa mer S3sg be.angry ‘s/he is angry’ EXR label mer-e nga ma be.angry-VZ S2sg O1sg ‘I am angry at you’ EXR deriv/app. góór gi dafa tàng man DET S3sg be.hot ‘the man is angry’ (lit.: ‘the man is hot’) EXR label/metaph. mer moo ma jàpp anger S3sg O1sg to.seize ‘anger seized me’ EXM anthrop. (seize) mer moo ma téyé anger S3sg O1sg to.hold ‘anger held me’ EXM anthrop. (hold) mer-am dal ne anger-POSS3sg to.settle S3sg ‘s/he is no longer angry’ (lit.:‘his/her anger settled’) EXM anthrop. sama xol dafa tàng POSS1sg heart S3sg be.hot ‘my heart is hot’ BODY attributing sama xol bi neex-ul POSS1sg heart DET bee.sweet-NEG:3sg ‘I am not angry’ (lit.:‘my heart is not sweet’) BODY attributing sama xol bi tój POSS1sg heart DET be.broken ‘I am angry’ (lit.:‘my heart is broken’) BODY attributing sama xol bi bon POSS1sg heart DET be.bad ‘I am angry’ (lit.: ‘my heart is bad’) BODY attributing HAAP 2 (2003) 58 ANGER/ Causative EMO: FEAR J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof sama xol dafa fuur POSS1sg heart S3sg be.effervescent ‘I am angry’ (lit.: ‘my heart is effervescent’) BODY attributing moo xall a yàq sa xol S3sg almost PART to.destroy POSS2sg heart ‘it almost made you angry’ (lit.:‘it almost destroyed your heart’) PHM metaph./ mat.V.+BODY daf ma mer-loo S3sg O1sg be.angry-CS:MID:CIRC ‘it made me feel angry’ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. dafa tàng-al sama xol S3sg be.hot-CS POSS1sg heart ‘it made me angry’ (lit.: ‚it heated my heart‘) PHM metaph./ caus.+Body dafa tiit S3sg be.afraid ‘s/he is afraid’ EXR label dama ragal S1sg be.afraid’ ‚I am afraid‘ EXR label/ (lex. caus.) ragal naa ko be.afraid S1sg O3sg ‚I am afraid of it‘ EXR label (lex. caus.) dina tax ñu am tiit-aange FUT:3sg to.cause S1pl to.have to.fear-NZ ‚it caused (that) we have fear‘ EXR relat./poss. EXR mungi ne ñogg ci biir neeg-am PROG3sg to.say ñogg Pp stomach room-POSS3sg ‚s/he is afraid in her/his room‘ tiit-aange moo ma téyé to.fear-NZ S3sg O1sg to.hold ‚fear held me‘ HAAP 2 (2003) EXM say +onom. anthrop. (hold) 59 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof FEAR/ Causative EMO: JOY tiit-aange moo ma jàpp to.fear-NZ S3sg O1sg to.seize ‚fear seized me‘ EXM anthrop. (seize) tiitaange moo nekk ci man fear S3sg be.located Pp me ‘fear is on me’ EXM relat./loc. tiitaange roofu ci siddit-am fear to.push Pp vene-POSS3sg ‘fear pushed in his/her venes’ EXM anthrop. xol-am bi fudd-u heart-POSS3sg DET to.stretch-MID ‚his/her heart is stretched‘ BODY attributing sama fit dafa ricc POSS1sg spirit S3sg to.escape ‘my spirit escaped’ BODY anthrop. sama fit ne xëyy POSS1sg spirit to.say xëyy ‘I was afraid’ (lit.: ‘my spirit said xëyy’) BODY anthrop. (say+onom.) bu ma tiit-loo IMP2sg O1sg be.afraid-CS:MID:CIRC ‚don’t make me feel afraid‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. bu ma ragal-loo IMP2sg O1sg be.afraid-CS:MID:CIRC ‚don’t make me feel afraid‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. dafa tiit-al xale bi S3sg be.afraid-CS child DET ‚it frightened the child‘ PHM deriv./caus. dama kontaan S1sg be.happy ‚I am happy/satisfied‘ EXR label (loan) dama bék S1sg be.happy ‚I am happy/satisfied‘ EXR label HAAP 2 (2003) 60 HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof bék naa ci yow be.happy S1sg Pp you ‚I am happy/satisfied with you‘ EXR label kontaan naa ci yow be.happy S1sg Pp you ‚I am happy/satisfied with you’ EXR label dama ba-neex-u S1sg NZ-be.sweet-MID ‘I am happy’ EXR deriv./denom.+ mpass. dama doy-l-u S1sg be.enough-CS-MID ‘I am happy’ EXR meton./ caus.+mpass. xaj dal di fééx dog at.once IMV be.fresh ‚the dog was at once happy/satisfied’ EXR label/metaph. dama am m-bég-te S1sg to.have NZ-be.happy-NZ ‚I have joy‘ EXR relat./poss. am naa ba-neex to.have S1sg NZ-be.sweet ‚I have joy’ EXR relat./poss. m-bég-te bi ngeen ànd-al NZ-be.happy-NZ REL S2pl to.accompany-CIRC ‚the joy with which you go‘ EXR relat./circ. neex-aay gi ma daan def be.sweet.NZ DET S1sg HAB to.do ‚the joy which I did‘ EXR metaph. (do+EXM) sama xol dafa kontaan POSS1sg heart S3sg be.happy ‚my heart is happy/satisfied‘ BODY label sama xol dafa bék POSS1sg heart S3sg be.happy ‚my heart is happy/satisfied‘ BODY label 61 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof JOY/ Causative EMO: LOVE ndax seen xol sedd because POSS3pl heart be.cold ‚because their heart is cold‘ BODY attributing xol-am fééx na heart-POSS3sg be.fresh S3sg ‚his/her heart is fresh‘ BODY attributing suma xol bi neex POSS1sg heart DET be.sweet ‘my heart is sweet’ BODY attributing suma xol angi dal POSS1sg heart PRÄS to.settle ‚my heart is settled‘ BODY attributing tey dang ma kontaan-loo today S2sg O1sg be.happy-CS: MID: CIRC ‚today you made me feel happy‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass mu di leen fééx-al seen xol S3sg IMV O3pl be.fresh-CS POSS3pl heart ‚it refreshes their heart‘ PHM metaph. caus.+BODY dafa bëgg Ràkki S3sg to.want Rakki ‘s/he loves Rakki‘ EXR label/meton. dafa ma nob S3sg O1sg to.love ‘s/he loves me‘ EXR label dama la sopp S1sg O2sg to.love ‚I love/venerate you ‘ ma indi-l ko m-bëgg-al S1sg to.bring-BENE O3sg NZ-to.want-NZ ‚I brought her/him love‘ EXR label EXR metaph./ bring+EXM dem naa yóbb-aale sama m-bëgg-al to.go S1sg to.take-VE POSS1sg NZ-to.want-NZ ‚I went away with my love‘ EXR metaph./ take+EXM HAAP 2 (2003) 62 LOVE/ Causative EMO: PLEASING EMO: WORRY J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof m-bëgg-al moo ma jàpp NZ-to.want-NZ S3sg o1sg to.seize ‚love seized me‘ EXM anthrop. (seize) nob-al moo nekk ci man to.love-NZ S3sg be.located Pp me ‚love is (located) on me‘ EXM relat./loc. moo ma-y dof-loo S3sg O1sg-IMV be.crazy-CS:MID:CIRC ‚s/he makes me feel in love‘ PHM metaph./ caus.+mpass. loolu neex-oon na ko lool that be.sweet-PAST S3sg O3sg very ‚it pleased him/her a lot‘ PHM label/metaph. yaa ma saf S2sg O1sg be.tasty ‚I like you‘ PHM label/metaph. bu soob-ee Yàlla if to.please-PV God ‚if it pleases God‘ PHM label neex-aay gi mu daan def ci moom be.sweet.NZ REL S3sg HAB to.do Pp him/her/it ‘the happyness which s/he got from it’ (lit.: ‘the sweetness which s/he did in him/her/it’) EXR metaph./ do+EXM dama jaaxl-e S1sg to.worry-VRE ‘I worry‘ EXR deriv./dtr. nit ñi nekk-ali ci jaaxle googu peaple DET to.be-DUR Pp distress DEM ‚the people are in that (state of) worrying‘ EXR relat./loc. waa ji ñów ak jaaxle bu metti guy DET to.come with distress REL to.pain ‚the guy came with a thorough distress’ EXR metaph./ come+EXM EXR am naa lu ma gétin sama xel to.have S1sg Rel O1sg to.bother POSS1sg mind ‘I am troubled’ (lit.: ‘I have someth which troubles my HAAP 2 (2003) relat./poss./ rel.clause 63 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof mind’) yàq-u-ma sama bopp to.destroy-NEG-S1sg POSs1sg head ‘I did not destroy my head‘ EXR metaph./refl. jaaxle dugg ko nak worry to.enter O3sg INTJ worry entered him/her‘ EXM anthrop. (enter) suma xel bi dafa jaxasoo POSS1sg mind DET S3sg be.mixed.up ‚my mind is mixed up‘ BODY attributing suma xel bi dal-ul POSS1sg mind DET to.settle-NEG:3sg ‚my mind is not settled‘ BODY attributing/ neg. sama xel bi toog-ul POSS1sg mind DET to.sit-NEG:3sg ‚my mind is not at peace‘ BODY attributing/ neg. sama xel baa ngiy wërante POSS1sg mind DET:PROG to.go.to.and.fro ‚my mind goes to and fro‘ BODY anthrop. xol-u Bugguma daan jaxasoo heart-GEN Bugguma HAB be.mixed.up ‚Bugguma’s heart used to be mixed up‘ BODY attributing BODY attributing bi mu ko dégg-ee fit-am toog-ul neg. when S3sg O3sg to.hear-PV spirit-POSS3sg to.sitNEG:3sg when s/he heard it, her/his spirit did not sit down‘ yef yi dañoo jaxasoo ci xel-am thing DET S3sg:IMV be.mixed.up Pp mindPOSS3sg ‚the things are mixed up in his/her mind‘ PHM metaph. mat.V.+ BODY moo xall a yàq sama xol S3sg almost PART to.destroy POSS1sg heart ‚it almost destroyed my heart‘ PHM metaph. mat.V.+ BODY HAAP 2 (2003) 64 WORRY: Causative EMO: SHAME J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof d-u ma gétin IMV-NEG3sg O1sg to.bother ‚it doesn’t worry me‘ PHM label daf ma jaaxal (jaax-al) S3sg O1sg to.worry (-?—CS) ‚it worried me‘ PHM label/ lex.caus. daf ma doon xalaat-loo S3sg O1sg IMV:PAST to.think-CS:MID:CIRC ‚it made me feel worried‘ PHM meton. caus.+mpass. mën-oo dal-al sama xel to.can-NEG:2sg to.settle-CS POSS1sg mind ‘you can’t give me peace of mind’ (lit.: ‚you cannot settle my mind‘) PHM metaph. caus.+BODY dafa tilim-al xel-am S3sg be.dirty-CS mind-POSS3sg ‚it made his/her mind dirty‘ PHM metaph. caus.+BODY dama rus S1sg be.ashamed ‚I am ashamed‘ EXR label dama torox S1sg be.ashamed ‚I am ashamed‘ EXR label EXR dafa am gàcce ci li doom-am biir S3sg to.have shame Pp what child-POSS3sg stomach ‚s/he feels shame because of the his/her child’s pregnancy‘ HAAP 2 (2003) relat./poss. gàcce boobu mën-u-ma ko yeen-u shame DEM to.can-NEG-1sg O3sg to.carry.on.head:MID ‚I can’t bear that shame‘ EXR metaph./ carry+EXM d-u-ma jël gàcce gi IMV-NEG-1sg to.take shame DET ‚I do not take the shame‘ EXR metaph./ take+EXM 65 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof yow yaa deseek gàcce gi you S2sg to.remain:with shame DET ‚you remain with the shame‘ EXR metaph./ remain+EXM dafa dugg-al bopp-am ci gàcce S3sg to.enter-CS head-POSS3sg Pp shame ‘s/he put her/his head into shame‘ EXR metaph./ put in+EXM EXR dafa ne yomm, kenn gis-at-u ko S3sg to.say yomm someone to.see-REP-NEG O3sg ‚s/he went away with shame, nobody saw her/him again‘ metaph./ say+onom. sama der bi yàq-u POSS1sg skin DET to.destroy-MID ‘I am ashamed’ (lit.: ‘my skin is destroyed’) BODY attributing lu mu def ba gàcce gi war ko dal what S3sg to.do until shame DET must O3sg to.come.upon ‚what had he done so that shame came upon him‘ EXM anthrop. (come upon) toroxteem jee ko tee génn shame:POSS3sg DET:FOC O3sg to.prevent to.go.out ‚her shame prevented her from going out‘ EXM anthrop. (go out) su ma dem-ee sa gàcce la if S1sg to.go-PV POSS2sg shame COP:3sg ‚if I go it is your shame‘ PHM existential jabar-am moo ko tek gàcce wife-POSS3sg S3sg O3sg to.put shame ‚his wife put shame on him‘ PHM metaph. put on+EXM daf ma jox gàcce S3sg O1sg to.give shame ‚s/he put shame on me‘ PHM metaph. give+EXM danga yàq sama der S2sg to.destroy POSS1sg skin ‚you destroyed my skin‘ PHM metaph./ mat.V.+ BODY HAAP 2 (2003) 66 SHAME/ Causative EMO: SADNESS J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof li ma dégg daf ma rus-loo what S1sg to.hear S3sg O1sg be.ashamedCS:MID:CIRC ‚what I heard made me feel ashamed‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. daf ko-y torox-al S3sg O3sg-IMV be.ashamed-CS ‚it puts shame on me‘ PHM deriv./caus. Góórgi torox-al der-am Góórgi be.ashamed-CS skin-POSS3sg ‚Góórgi put shame on his/her skin‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+refl. daf ma-y gàcceel S3sg O1sg-IMV shame:CS ‚it puts shame on me‘ PHM deriv./ denom.+caus. dama triste S1sg be.sad (french: triste) ‚I am sad‘ EXR label (loan) sama xol a jeex POSS1sg heart FOC be.finished ‚my heart is finished‘ BODY attributing BODY anthrop. bi ma ko dégg-ee suma yaram bi yepp dee When S1sg O3sg to.hear-PV POSS1sg body DET all to.die ‚when I heard it, my whole body died‘ EMO: DISLIKE HAAP 2 (2003) tey daal sama yaram nangu-l today INTJ POSS1sg body to.agree-NEG:3sg ‚today my body does not agree‘ BODY anthrop. bëgg-u-ma ko to.want-NEG-S1sg O3sg ‚I hate him/her ~ I don’t like it‘ EXR label/ meton./neg. dafa ma bañ S3sg O1sg to.refuse ‘s/he hated me’ (lit.: ‚s/he refused me‘) EXR label ma jéppi ko S1sg to.despise O3sg ‚I hate/dispise her/him‘ EXR label 67 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof EMO: PITY anthrop. (touch) m-bañ-eel moo ko laal NZ-to.refuse-NZ S3sg O3sg to.toouch ‚hate touched him/her‘ EXM sama xol bañ loolu POSS1sg heart to.refuse DEM ‚my heart refuses that‘ BODY label yef-am neex-u ma matter-POSS3sg be.seet-NEG O1sg ‚his/her affairs are not sweet to me‘ PHM label/metaph. sa yef saf-u ma POSS2sg matter to.taste-NEG O1sg ‚your affairs are not tasty to me‘ PHM label/metaph. dama ko yërëm S1sg O3sg to.pity ‚I pitied him/her‘ EXR label dafa am yërmande ci man S3sg to.have pity Pp me ‚s/he has pity with me‘ EXR relat./poss. d-u la yég IMV-NEG:3sg O2sg to.feel ‚s/he has not mercy with you‘ EXR label/meton. dafa am yég ci nit ñii S3sg to.have feeling Pp people DET ‚s/he has mercy with these people‘ EXR relat./poss dafa am xol S3sg to.have heart ‚s/he is a emotional/mercyful person‘ EXR relat./poss sama xol daf ko yërëm POSS1sg heart S3sg O3sg to.pity ‘my heart pitied him/her‘ BODY label sama xol dafa yeew pur moom POSS1sg heart S3sg be.bound for him/her ‚my heart is bound for him/her‘ BODY label/metaph HAAP 2 (2003) 68 EMO: JEALOUSY EMO: GRIEVING HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof sama yaram daw na ndik moom POSS1sg body to.run S3sg because.of him/her ‘I feel pity for him/her (lit.: ‚my body ran because of him/her‘) BODY metaph. bataaxal yi daw nañu suñu yaram letter DET to.run S3pl POSS1pl body ‚the letters aroused our sympathy‘ (lit.: ‘the letters ran our body’) PHM metaph./mat.V. +BODY Cherno dafa fiir Cherno S3sg be.jealous ‚Cherno is jealous‘ EXR label dafa añaan S3sg be.jealous/envious ‘s/he is jealous’ EXR label fiir-aange moo ko jàpp be.jealous-NZ S3sg O3sg to.seize jealousy seized him/her‘ EXM anthrop. (seize) fiir-aange moo ko téyé be.jealous-NZ S3sg O3sg to.hold ‚jealousy held him/her‘ EXM anthrop. (hold) nk-añaan di lekk nile sa xol NZ-be.jealous IMV to.eat POSS2sg heart ‘jealousy eats thus your heart’ EXM anthrop. (eat)+BODY sama xol dafa fiir POSS1sg heart S3sg be.jealous ‚my heart is jealous‘ BODY label daf daan xett xol-u Maram S3sg HAB to.pierce heart-GEN Maram ‚it used to pierce Maram’s heart‘ PHM metaph./mat.V. +BODY dama naqar-i torop S1sg bitterness.VZ very ‘Igrieve a lot’’ EXR deriv./denom. naqar-l-u naa li la dal bitterness-CS-MID S1sg what O2sg to.come.upon ‚I am very concerned about what happened to you‘ EXR deriv./denom. caus.+mpass. 69 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof GRIEF/ Causative VOL/ CONTENTM. dafa-y metti-t-l-u S3sg-IMV to.pain-NZ-CS-MID ‘s/he broods about a painful event’ EXR deriv./denom. caus.+mpass. dama am naqar S1sg to.have bitterness ‚I have bitterness‘ EXR relat./poss. am naa lu ma naqar-i to.have S1sg what S1sg bitterness-VZ ‘there is something which makes me feel bitter’ EXR relat./poss./ rel.clause dee-am naqar-i na ma death-POSS3sg bitterness-VZ S3sg O1sg ‚his/her death made me feel sad‘ PHM deriv./denom. sama xol dafa naqar-i POSS1sg heart S3sg bitterness-VZ ‚my heart grieves‘ BODY deriv./denom. sama xol dafa tiis POSS1sg heart S3sg be.heavy ‘I grieve’ (lit.: ‘my heart is heavy’) BODY attributing sama xol dafa yàq-u POSS1sg heart S3sg to.spoil-MID ‘my heart is spoiled’ BODY attributing sama xol dafa jeex POSS1sg heart S3sg be.finished ‘my heart is finished’ BODY attributing loolu daf ma naqar-loo that S3sg O1sg bitterness-CS:MID:CIRC ‚that makes me feel bitter‘ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. loolu daf ma metti-t-loo that S3sg O1sg to.pain-NZ-CS:MID:CIRC ‘that makes me feel bitter’ PHM deriv./denom. caus.+mpass. kontaan naa ci lool be.satisfied S1sg Pp very ‘I am very satisfied with it’ EXR label/ (loan) HAAP 2 (2003) 70 CONTENTM./ Causative EMO: SURPRISE HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof bék naa be.contented «S1sg ‘I am contented’ EXR label dama doy-l-u S1sg to.suffice-BENE-MID ‘I am satisfied’ EXR label/metaph./ caus.+mpass. dama bari-l-e S1sg be.plenty-CS-CIRC ‘I am satisfied’ EXR label/metaph./ caus. xel-u Binta dal na mind-GEN Binta be.settled S3sg ‘Binta is contented’ (lit.: ‘Binta’s mind is at peace/settled’) BODY attributing suma xel neex-u-t-oon POSS1sg mind be.sweet-NEG-3sg-PAST ‘I am not contented’ (lit.: ‘my mind was not sweet’) BODY attributing sama xel bi dafa fééx POSS1sg mind DET S3sg be.fresh ‘I am satisfied’ (lit.: ‘my mind is fresh’) BODY attributing afeer-am daf ma doy-loo matter-POSS3sg S3sg O1sg suffice-CS:MID:CIRC ‘his/her affairs made me feel contended’ PHM meton./ caus.+mpass.+c irc. jabar ji waar-u lool wife DET to.surprise-MID very ‘the wife is very surprised’ EXR deriv./mpass. ma ne cee S1sg to.say cee ‘I was surprised’ EXR metaph. say+onom. ma ne yabb S1sg to.say yabb ‘I was surprised’ EXR metaph. say+onom. 71 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof COG: KNOWING (wissen & kennen) COG: UNDERSTANDING am naa tey m-bett mu ma neex to.have S1sg today NZ-to.surprise REL O1sg be.sweet ‘I have a surprise today which pleases me’ EXR relat./poss. m-bett-eel gee ko jàpp NZ-to.surprise-NZ DET O3sg to.seize ‘surprise seized him/her’ EXM anthrop. (seize) daf ma bett S3sg O1sg to.surprise ‘it surprised me’ PHM label daf ma waar S3sg O1sg to.surprise ‘it surprised me’ PHM label mu ne bilaaye doy na waar S3sg to.say bilaaye to.suffice S3sg to.surprise ‘s/he said it is surprising’ léégi mu xam li xew now S3sg to.know what to.happen ‚now s/he knows what happened‘ (PHM) (label) EXR label kenn xam-u la somebody to.know-NEG O2sg ‘nobody knows you’ EXR label jàpp nañu ne seen coosaan Sose la to.catch S3pl that POSS3pl Mandinka COP:3sg ‘they knew that their origin was Mandinka’ EXR label/metaph. dafa dugg sama bopp S3sg to.enter POSS1sg head ‘I knew it’ (lit.: ‘it entered my head’) PHM metaph./ enter+BODY dafa dugg sama xel S3sg to.enter POSS1sg mind ‘I knew it’ (lit.: ‘it entered my mind’) PHM metaph./ enter+mind yaangiy dégg lu ma la wax PROG:2sg to.hear what S1sg O2sg to.say ‘do you understand what I told you’ EXR label/meton. HAAP 2 (2003) 72 COG: REMEMBERING HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof dégg nga Sose to.hear S2sg Mandinka ‘do you understand Mandinka’ EXR label/meton. maangi soog-a xam li ngeen bëgg PRÄS:1sg to.begin-PART to.know what S2pl to.want ‘I begin to understand what you want’ EXR label/meton. EXR gis nga ñun su ñ ñów-ee sa kër gis nga to.see S2sg we If S1pl to.come-PV POSS2sg house to.see S2sg ‘you understand, we, if we come to your house, you understand’ label/meton. jàpp nga boobu to.catch S2sg that ‘did you understand that’ EXR label/metaph. eske jél-i nga ma QUEST to.take-ITIV S2sg O1sg ‘did you understand me’ EXR label/metaph. dama fàtt-ale-eku benn jamano S1sg to.forget-REV-MID one time ‘I remembered one time’ EXR deriv./revers.+ mpass. xel-mati naa ko mind-VZ S1sg O3sg ‘I remembered it’ EXR deriv./denom. dem-oon naa ci démb to.go-PAST S1sg Pp yesterday ‘I remembered yesterday/the past’ EXR label/metaph. mu jub-l-u démb S3sg be.straight-CS-MID yesterday ‘s/he remebered yesterday/the past’ EXR label/metaph. caus.+mpass moo soxla di dellu gànnaaw S3sg need IMV to.return back ‘s/he had to remember the past’ EXR label/metaph. 73 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof Góórgi janook yar bi mu yar Ràkki Góórgi be.face.to.face:with education REL S3sg to.educate Ràkki ‘Góórgi remembered how he educated Ràkki’ EXR label/metaph. dafa dugg sama bopp S3sg to.enter POSS1sg head ‘it entered my head’ PHM metaph./ enter+BODY dafa dugg sama xel S3sg to.enter POSS1sg mind ‘it entered my mind’ PHM metaph./ enter+BODY su mu bëgg-ee ñów ci xel-am if S3sg to.want-PV to.come Pp mind-POSS3sg ‘if she wanted to come to his memory’ PHM metaph./ come+BODY xel-am dellu ci leeb bi mind-POSS3sg to.return Pp story DET ‘his/her mind returned to the story’ BODY label/metaph./ xel-am dellu gànnaaw mind-POSS3sg to.return back ‘his/her mind returned to the past’ BODY label/metaph. xel-am dello ko Walo mind-POSS3sg to.return O3sg Walo ‘his/her mind returned him/her to Walo’ BODY label/metaph. BODY label/metaph. xel-am yepp angi jub-l-u démb miond-POSS3sg all PRÄS be.straigh-CS-MID yesterday ‘all his/her mind faced was directed towards the past’ COG: FORGETTING sama xel dal di sore POSS1sg mind to.settle IMV be.far ‘my mind was far away (in the past)’ BODY label/metaph. sama xel daj na ci moom POSS1sg mind to.touch S3sg Pp him/her ‘I remembered him/her’ (lit.: ‘my mind touched him/her’) loolu d-u-ma ko fàtte that IMV-NEG-1sg o3sg to.forget ‘I will not forget that’ BODY label/metaph. EXR label HAAP 2 (2003) 74 COG: RECOGNIZE COG: REALIZE HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof dama ko bayyi gànnaaw S1sg to.leave back ‘I forgot it’ (lit.. ‘I left it behind’) EXR metaph. génn na sama xel to.go.out S3sg POSS1sg mind ‘I forgot tn’ (lit.: ‘it left my mind’) PHM metaph./ leave+ BODY sama xel daj-u ko POSS1sg mind to.touch-NEG O3sg ‘I forgot it’ (lit.: ‘my mind didn’t touch it’) BODY label/metaph. xam-mé-u-ñu ma to.know-VE-NEG-S3pl O1sg ‘they didn’t recognize me’ EXR label/meton. raññe na ko ci xale yi ‘to.recognize S3sg O3sg Pp child DET ‘s/he recognized him/her amongst the children’ EXR label nemmeeku naa ko to.recognize:MID S1sg O3sg ‘I recognized it (the place)’ EXR deriv./mpass. jàpp-u-loo ko bu-m romb-ee to catch-NEG-2sg O3sg when-S3sg to.pass.by-PV ‘didn’t you recognize her/him when s/he passed by’ EXR label/metaph. EXR soo dem-ee dinga xam ne sa yaay am na faayda if:S2sg to.go-PV FUT2sg to.know that POSS2sg mother to.have S3sg respect/dignity ‘if you go you will realize that your mother has respect’ label/meton. EXR ma gis ne dama-y am problem S1sg to.see that S1sg-IMV to.have problem ‘I realized that I will have problems’ EXR mu nettali ni mu yég-é biir-u doom ji S3sg to.explain how S3sg to.feel-CIRC stomachGEN child DET ‘she explained how she realized that her daughter was pregnant’ label/meton. label/meton. 75 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof CON: BELIEVING/ TRUSTING CON: THINKING Maram mas-ul seet-l-u ne Rakki angiy mat-si jànq EXR Maram ever-NEG3sg to.regard-CS-MID that Rakki PROG to.reach-VEN womanhood ‘Maram never realized that Rakki was reaching womanhood’ meton./ caus.+mpass. woolu naa la to.trust:MID S1sg O2sg ‘I trust you’ EXR deriv./mpass. danga gum tuuti Yàlla S2sg to.believe/to.trust little God ‘you trust a little in God’ EXR label dama ko yaakaar S1sg O3sg to.believe/to.trust ‘I trust her/him’ EXR label am naa yaakaar ci moom to.have S1sg trust Pp him/her ‘I trust her/him’ EXR relat./poss. k-oolu-te googu mu am-oon ci moom NZ-to.trust-NZ DEM REL to.have Pp him/her ‘the trust which s/he had in him/her’ EXR relat./poss. ci yow laa teg sama yaakaar Pp you S1sg to.put POSS1sg trust ‘I trust you’ EXR metaph./ put+EXM ñu tas sa yaakaar S3pl to.scatter POSS2sg trust ‘they destroyed your trust’ PHM metaph./ scatter+EXM wóór na ma ne nob na ko be.sure S3sg O1sg that to.love S3sg O3sg ‘I am sure that s/he loves him/her’ PHM label maangiy xal-aat Aida PROG:1sg mind-VZ Aida ‘I am thinking of Aida’ EXR deriv./ denom.+rep. loo xal-aat ci xew boobu what:2sg mind-VZ Pp event DEM ‘what do you think about this event’ EXR deriv./denom. +rep. HAAP 2 (2003) 76 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof waññi-l sa xal-aat to.reduce-IMP POSS2sg mind-VZ ‘stop thinking’ EXR metaph./ reduce+EXM ku nekk nga jox-e sa xal-aat REL to.be S2sg to.give-VRE POSS2sg mind-VZ ‘everybody shall tell what s/he thinks’ EXR metaph./ give+EXM xal-aat yi Maram di def mind-VZ REL Maram IMV to.do ‘what Maram was thinking’ EXR metaph. do+EXM dinaa ci bàyyi sama xel FUT:1sg Pp to.leave POSS1sg mind ‘I will think of it’ EXR metaph. leave+BODY am naa ci xel torop to.have S1sg Pp mind very ‘I think a lot about it’ EXR relat./poss. moo-y sama xal-aat ci loolu S3sg-IMV POSS1sg mind-VZ Pp that ‘this is my thought about it’ PHM existential PHM nen a nekk ci sama xel egg FOC to.be Pp POSS1sg mind ‘I was thinking of eggs’ (lit.: ‘eggs were in my mind’) relat./loc. BODY label/denom. xel-am xal-aat-u ko mind-POSS3sg mind-VZ-NEG O3sg ‘s/he didn’t think of it’ (lit.: ‘her/his mind didn’t think (of) it’) xel-am angi ci kër gi mind-POSS3sg COP Pp house Det ‘his/her mind is at the house’ BODY relat./loc. BODY relat./loc. seen xel ne-wul ci bokk goornemaa Abdu Juuf POSS3pl mind to.be-NEG Pp to.participate government Abdu Juuf ‘they didn’t think of participating in Abdu Juuf’s government’ HAAP 2 (2003) 77 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof xel-u Maram dellu ci doom ji mind-GEN Maram to.return Pp child DET ‘Maram thought of her child’ BODY metaph. xel-am jox ko mu dem laaj ko BODY metaph. mind-POSS3sg to.give O3sg S3sg to.go to.ask O3sg ‘s/he thought about going and asking him/her’ BODY metaph./ sa xel génn-é sa xel rekk leave+BODY POSS2sg mind to.go.out-VIN POSS2sg mind only ‘stop thinking of it’ (lit.: ‘your mind shall go out of your mind’) CON: ASSUMING CON: DOUBTING dama xal-aat-oon ne sàcc lawoon S1sg mind-VZ-PAST that thief COP-PAST ‘I thought it was a thief’ EXR label/meton. danga foog ne dama caaxaan S2sg to.assume that S1sg to.joke ‘you thought/assumed that I was joking’ EXR label defe-woon naa danga tukki to-assume-PAST S1sg S2sg to.travel ‘I thought/assumed (that) you had traveled’ EXR label daf ma teg xale ba tey S3sg O1sg to.put child until today ‘s/he thought/assumed (that) I am still a child’ EXR label/meton. EXR gum-u-ma ne Binta dina def loolu to.believe-NEG-1sg that Binta FUT:3sg to.do that ‘I don’t think that Binta will do this’ label/meton. yaakaar-u-ma ne dina nangu to.hope-NEG-1sg that FUT:3sg to.agree:MID ‘I don’t think s/he will agree’ EXR label/meton. ñepp jàpp ne Mbaax dafa-y dee all to.catch that Mbaax S3sg-IMV to.die ‘all assumed that Mbaax will die’ EXR label/meton. am na ci ñaar-i xel to.have S3sg Pp two-GEN mind ‘s/he doubts it’ (lit.: s/he has two minds about it’) EXR relat./poss. HAAP 2 (2003) 78 VOL: DEMANDING HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof foog-u-ma ko-woon to.assume-NEG-1sg O3sg-PAST ‘I doubted it’ (lit.: I didn’t assume it’) EXR label/meton. xal-aat-u-ma ko-woon mind-VZ-NEG-1sg O3sg-PAST ‘I doubted it’ (lit.: ‘I didn’t think so’) EXR label/meton. sama xel baangiy werante POSS1sg mind PROG to.roam.around ‘my mind roams around’ BODY anthrop. bëgg naa ko to.want S1sg O3sg ‘I want it’ EXR label bañ naa ko to.refuse S1sg O3sg ‘I didn’t want it / I refused it’ EXR label dama ko sopp-a am S1sg O3sg to.love-PART to.have ‘I want to have it’ EXR label/meton. dama bëgg-al Bacc mi lu baax S1sg to.want-BENE Bacc DET what be.good ‘I wish Bacc all the best’ EXR deriv./appl. maang leen ko ñaan-al it S1sg O2pl O3sg to.ask.for-BENE also ‘I wish it also to you’ EXR label/appl. mu yééné ñu jàmm S3sg wish O1pl peace ‘s/he wished us peace’ EXR label am-u-ñu benn bëgg-bëgg to.have-NEG-3pl one wish ‘they don’t have any wish’ EXR relat./poss. am naa yééné ju opp sax loolu to.have S1sg wish REL to.surpass even that ‘I have a desire which is more than that’ EXR relat./poss. 79 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof VOL: NEEDING fas naa yééné tukki to.knot wish to.travel ‘I wanted/decided to travel’ (lit.: ‘I knotted a wish to travel’) EXR metaph./ knot+EXM ma fas samp S1sg to.knot to.build ‘I wanted/decided to build’ (lit.: ‘I knotted to build’) EXR label/metaph. looloo-y sama bëgg-bëgg that-IMV POSS1sg wish ‘that is my wish’ PHM existential loolu moo-y sama yééné that S3sg-IMV POSS1sg desire ‘that is my wish/desire’ PHM existential lu-y sa tànk what-IMV POSS2sg foot/leg ‘what is your wish/request/concern’ PHM existential wante xol bi bañ but heart DET to.refuse ‘but the heart refused’ BODY label dañu soxla seen neeg S3pl to.need POSS2pl room ‘they need your room’ EXR label/ (loan) bëgg-u-ma ko to.want-NEG-1sg O3sg ‘I don’t need it’ (lit.: ‘I don’t want it’) EXR label/meton. am naa soxla ci you to.have need Pp you ‘I need you’ EXR relat./poss. lu ma ko doy-e what S1sg O3sg to.suffice-CIRC ‘what do I need it for’ PHM label/meton. negation of soxla renders the meaning ‘not to be necessary’ soxlawul ma di ko tudd ‘it is not necessary for me to name it’ HAAP 2 (2003) 80 VOL: ENVYING J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof dañu ko añaan-e dall-am S3pl O3sg to.envy-VIN shoe-POSS3sg ‘they envy him/her his/her shoes’ EXR deriv./appl. ma ñee ñi seen kër sori-wu-l S1sg to.envy those POSS3pl house be.far-NEG3sg ‘I envy those whose house is not far’ EXR label iñaane may nelaw a tax ngay faraas-faraas sa bale EXM ‘envying my sleeping caused (that) you swinging the broom’ PERC: SEEING HAAP 2 (2003) anthrop. dang ko gis S2sg O3sg to.see ‘you saw it’ EXR label xanaa seet-u-loo ko QUEST to.look.for-Neg-2sg O3sg ‘didn’t you look for it’ EXR label xool naa ko to.regard S1sg O3sg ‘I regarded it’ EXR label ma seen Beccek bi S1sg to.see.from.afar Beccek DET ‘I saw this Beccek from afar’ EXR label alal ji nga fi xel-mati wealth REL S2sg cast.a.glance.at ‘the wealth which you can cast a glance at here’ EXR label/metaph. bëgg-at-u ko gis ak bët to.want-REP-NEG:3sg O3sg to.see with eye ‘s/he didn’t want to see it with her eyes’ EXR label/ +BODY(PP) ci sama biir bët laa ko def-e Pp POSS1sg stomach eye S1sg O3sg to.do-CIRC lit.: ‘in my eyes did I do it’ EXR metaph./ do+BODY dafa tek bët njaaxum ba fa am S3sg to.put eye misfortune REL there to.have lit.:‘s/he put eye (on) the misfortune which happened there’ EXR metaph./ put+BODY 81 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof PERC: HEARING PERC: SMELLING mu ne yunn ci neeg bi S3sg to.say yunn Pp room DET ‘s/he took a look at the room’ EXR metaph./ say+onom. ñów na sama bët to.come S3sg POSS1sg eye ‘I saw it’ (lit.: ‘it came (to) my eye’) PHM metaph./ come+BODY dégg naa ko to.hear S1sg O3sg ‘I heard it’ EXR label dama dég-l-u xabaar bi S1sg to.hear-CS-MID news Det ‘I listened to the news’ EXR deriv./ caus.+mpass. Musa gëj naa ko jàpp nak Musa long.time.not S1sg O3sg to.catch INTJ ‘I didn’t hear from Musa for quite some time’ EXR label/metaph. yég-u-leen ne da-y gan-ale ‘to.feel-NEG-2pl that S3sg-IMV guest-VZ ‘didn’t you hear that he invites for dinner’ EXR label/meton. wax jooju tabbindoo ci nopp-u baay bi speech DEM to.fell Pp ear-GEN father DET ‘that speech fall into the father’s ear’ PHM anthrop. fall+BODY cere ji xeeñ na ma couscous DET to.smell S3sg O1sg ‘I smell the couscous’ (lit.: ‘the couscous smells (to me)’ PHM label xaj baangiy xeeñ-t-u rab-u all dog PROG to.smell-INT-MID animal-GEN bush ‘the dog scents wild animals’ EXR deriv./mpass. ma foon litkoloñ gi S1sg to.sniff parfume DET ‘I sniffed the parfume’ EXR label HAAP 2 (2003) 82 PHYS: PAIN PHYS: COLD HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof sama biir dafa-y metti POSS1sg stomach S3sg-IMV to.pain ‘my stomach pains’ LOC label sama biir daf ma-y metti POSS1sg stomach S3sg O1sg-IMV to.pain ‘my stomach pains me’ LOC label dama am metti-t-u biir S1sg to.have to.pain-NZ-GEN stomach ‘I have stomach pain’ EXR relat./poss. di-nga yég metti-t FUT-2sg to.feel to.pain-NZ ‘you will feel pain’ EXR specif./ (feel) mu def metti-t ci xol-am S3sg to.do to.pain-NZ Pp heart-POSS3sg ‘his/her heart pained (lit.: s/he did pain at/in her/his heart’) EXR metaph./ do+EXM sama bopp bayyi metti rekk POSS1sg head to.leave to.pain only ‘my head stopped paining’ LOC metaph./ leave+EXM sama yaram neex-u-l POSS1sg body be.sweet-NEG-3sg ‘my body aches’ (lit.: ‘my body is not sweet’) LOC attributing metti-t wee ko jàpp to.pain-NZ DET:FOC O3sf to.seize ‘pain seized him/her’ EXM anthrop. (seize) da-y metti sama wet S3sg-IMV to.pain POSS1sg side ‘it pains my side’ PHM label dama li-w S1sg feel.cold-MID ‘I freeze’ EXR deriv./mpass. dama-y yég sedd S1sg-IMV to.feel coldness ‘I feel cold’ EXR specif./ (feel) 83 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof COLD/ Causative PHYS: HUNGER HUNGER/ Causative PHYS: SWEATING PHYS: SICKNESS sama li-w metti na tey POSS1sg feel.cold-MID to.pain S3sg today ‘I feel cold today’ (lit.: ‘my coldness pains today’) EXM anthrop. (label) sedd bi daf ma dee li-u-loo cold DET S3sg =1sg HAB to.freeze-MIDCS:MID:CIRC ‘the cold made me freeze’ PHM deriv./caus. +mpass.+circ. dama xiif S1sg be.hungry ‘I am hungry’ EXR label xiif moo ma téyé hunger S3sg O1sg to.hold ‘hunger hold me’ EXM anthrop. (seize) xiif angi ci dëkk bi hunger PRÄS Pp town/country DET ‘hunger is in the town/country’ EXM relat./loc. daf ma dee xiif-loo S3sg O1sg HAB be.hungry-CS:MID:CIRC ‘it makes me feel hungry’ PHM deriv./ caus.+mpass. dama ñaq S1sg to.sweat ‘I sweat’ EXR label dama tàng S1sg be.hot ‘I sweat / feel hot’ EXR attributing dama feebaar S1sg be.sick (french) ‘I am sick’ EXR label/ (loan) dama opp S1sg be.sick ‘I am sick’ EXR label HAAP 2 (2003) 84 PHYS: PREGNANCY HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof dama sibbir-u S1sg be.sick-MID ‘I am sick / I have a fever’ EXR deriv./mpass. wér-u-ma be.healthy-NEG-1sg ‘I am sick’ (lit.: ‘I am not healthy’) EXR label (neg.) dafa ànd ak jangoro sëqët S1sg to.accompany with sickness cough ‘s/he has a cough’ EXR relat./circ. mungoog feebaar la def-oon there.s/he.is sickness S3sg to.do-PAST ‘s/he is sick’ (lit.: s/he did sickness’) EXR metaph./ do+EXM feebaar bi moo ma dal sickness DET S3sg O1sg to.come.upon lit.: ‘sickness came upon me’ EXM anthrop. (come upon) feebaar bu bon moo ko jot sickness REL be.bad S3sg O3sg befall ‘a bad sickness befall him/her’ EXM anthrop. (befall) feebaar bii mag rekk la-y jàpp sickness DEM old.person only S3sg-IMV to.seize ‘this sickness takes only hold of old people’ EXM anthrop. (seize) su la jangoro ji song-ee if O2sg sickness DET to.attack-PV ‘if sickness attacks you’ EXM anthrop. (attack) dama biir S1sg stomach ‘I am pregnant’ EXR label/denom. dama ëmb S1sg to.bundle.up ‘I am pregnant’ EXR label/metaph. dafa uuf koll S3sg to.put.on.one’s.lap be.stomach lit.: ‘she put a big stomach on her lap’ EXR metaph./put on+BODY 85 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof PREGNANCY/ Causative jigéén-u wér-u-l la woman-GEN be.healthy-NEG-3sg COP ‘she is pregnant’ (lit.: ‘she is a woman of no health’) dafa nekk ci m-baax-u jigéén S3sg to.be Pp NZ-be.good-GEN woman ‘she is pregnant’ (lit.: ‘she is in the goodness of woman’) EXR existential EXR relat./loc. daf ko biir-al S3sg O3sg stomach-CS ‘he made her pregnant’ PHM meton./denom+ caus. Appendix II: Literature on Wolof Examples of experiencer constructions have been taken from the following published materials including grammar books, dictionaries, newspapers and instructional books published by the government of Senegal: Dial, Abdoulaye 1998. Na nga def. Apprentissage rapide du Wolof parlé. Saint-Louis. Diouf, Jean-Léopold et Marina Yaguello 1991. J’apprends le wolof. Damay jàng Wolof. Paris: Édition Karthala. Fal, Arame, Rosine Santos et Jean Léonce Doneux 1990. Dictionnaire wolof-français. Paris Édition Karthala. Kesteloot, Lilyan et Chérif Mbodj 1983. Contes et Mythes Wolof. Paris: Les Nouvelles Éditions Africaines. Munro, Pamela and Dieynaba Gaye 1991. Ay baati Wolof. A Wolof dicionary. Los Angeles: University of California, UCLA occasisional papers in Linguistics, Number 9. Ndaw, Sééx Aliyu 1993. Buur Tileen. Ndakaaru: IFAN Cheikh Anta Diop. Sofaa 1994 – 1995. W. B. 206 – Ndakaaru: Imprimerie Monteiro. Xumma, Mamadu 1998. Fééxlu. Projet Alphabétisation ”Priorité Femmes”. Ndakaaru. HAAP 2 (2003) 86 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof List of Abbreviations AFOC Aspect focus BENE Benefactive BODY Body part caus. Causative CIRC/circ. Circumstantial extension COP Copula CS Causative extension DEM Demonstrative denom. Denominal deriv. Derived DET Determiner DRV Derivational suffix (unclassified) DUR Durative extension EXM Experitum EXR Experiencer FOC Focus marker FUT Futur marker GEN Genetive marker HAB Habitual marker IMP Imperative IMV Imperfective INT Intensive extension INTJ Interjection ITIV Itiv extension ITR/intr. Intransitive lex.caus. Lexicalized causative extension mpass. Medio-passive mat.V. Material verb meton. Metonymically expanded metaph. Metaphorical expression MID Middle extension neg. Negated NEG Negative marker NZ Nominalizer O Object OBL Obligative onom. Onomatopoetic expression HAAP 2 (2003) J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof orient. Orientation PAST Past tense marker PART Verbal particle PFOC Predicate focus PHM Phenomenon pl Plural POSS Possessive pronoun poss. Possessive relation Pp Preposition PRÄS Presentative PROG Progressive PV Perfective refl. Reflexive REL Relative pronoun rel.clause Relative clause relat. Relational process REP Repetitive extension REV/revers. Reversive extension S Subject sg Singular TR/tr. Transitive V Verb VE Verbal extension VEN Ventiv VIN Valence-increasing extension VRE Valence-reducing extension VZ Verbalizer QUEST Question-introducing particle 87 HAAP 2 (2003) 88 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof References Ameka, Felix 1990 The Grammatical Packaging Of Experiencers In Ewe: A Study In The Semantics Of Syntax. Australian Journal of Linguistics, 19, 139-181. Bugenhagen, Robert D. 1990 Experiential constructions in Mangap-Mbula. Australian Journal of Linguistics 10: 183-215. Croft, William 1993 Case marking and the semantics of mental verbs. In: J. Pustejovsky (ed.) Semantics and the Lexicon, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 55-72. Fillmore, Charles J. 1968 The case for case. In: E. Bach & R. Harms (eds.) Universals in linguistic theory. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Wilson, 1-88. Halliday, M.A.K. 1994 An Introduction to Functional Grammar. 2nd ed. London, etc.: E. Arnold. (1st ed. 1985). Horie, Kaoru 1985 Lexico-syntactic analysis of verbs of cognition, conception and perception. Sophia Linguistica 18: 39-48. Klaiman, M. H. 1988 Affectedness and control: a typology of voice systems. In: Masayoshi Shibatani (ed.) Passive and Voice. Typological Studies in Language. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 25-84. Longacre, Robert E. 1983 The Grammar of Discourse. New York, London: Plenum Press. Reh, Mechthild 1998a. Experiens-Konstruktionen in afrikanischen Sprachen: Erkenntnisinteressen, Ansätze, Ergebnisse. In: M. Reh (ed.), Experiens-Kodierung in afrikanischen Sprachen typologisch gesehen: Formen und ihre Motivierungen, Hamburg: Universität Hamburg, Institut für Afrikanistik und Äthiopistik, 1-22. HAAP 2 (2003) 89 J. Becher: Experiencer constructions in Wolof 1998b The role of metaphor in grammar: experiencer constructions. In: M. Reh (ed.), Experiens-Kodierung in afrikanischen Sprachen typologisch gesehen: Formen und ihre Motivierungen, Hamburg: Universität Hamburg, Institut für Afrikanistik und Äthiopistik, 25-40. 1998c Questionnaire on Experiencer Constructions in African Languages. Hamburg. MS. Reh, Mechthild & Christiane Simon 1998 Experiens-Konstruktionen in Mande-Sprachen. In: M. Reh (ed.), Experiens-Kodierung in afrikanischen Sprachen typologisch gesehen: Formen und ihre Motivierungen, Hamburg: Universität Hamburg, Institut für Afrikanistik und Äthiopistik, 41-88. HAAP 2 (2003)